¹ A Hungarian journalist, Emil Csonka, who lived in the West and had a very sympathetic view of the cardinal, published, under a pseudonym, a short book on Mindszenty's last five years of life. Cf. Vasari, Emilio, Der verbannte Kardinal. Mindszentys Leben im Exil (Vienna: Herold Verlag, 1977)Google Scholar. For historical research on Mindszenty's travels, see the last two chapters in Margit Balogh's monumental biography, in Margit Balogh, Mindszenty József (1892–1975) (Budapest: MTA Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont, 2015).

² A 1948 Swedish postcard called Mindszenty a “hero of religious freedom” (religionsfrihetens hjälte). Possession of the author.

³ Nixon had worked hard to convince public opinion in the United States of the positive aspects of negotiations with the Soviets, but he also profited from first diplomatic steps taken by the Kennedy administration. See Hanhimäki, Jussi M., The Rise and Fall of Détente: American Foreign Policy and the Transformation of the Cold War (Sterling, VA: Potomac Books, 2012), 81Google Scholar. Although the critique of Nixon's policy was growing after the summit, in May 1972, it seemed as if the Cold War had entered a new phase.

⁴ Among those Hungarian visitors were clergy Mindszenty and others accused of collaboration with the communist regime; even diplomats of the Vatican knew that some of them continuously submitted reports to the Hungarian state security. This problem has been treated in detail by Fejérdy, András, Pressed by a Double Loyalty: Hungarian Attendance at the Second Vatican Council, 1959–1965 (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press), 2016Google Scholar.

⁵ In West Germany, the erection of the Berlin Wall by the German Democratic Republic contributed to a changed attitude that made Ostpolitik more popular; see Hofmann, Arne, The Emergence of Détente in Europe: Brandt, Kennedy and the Formation of Ostpolitik (London: Routledge, 2007), 40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Loth, Wilfried and Soutou, George, eds., The Making of Détente: Eastern Europe and Western Europe in the Cold War, 1965–75 (London: Routledge, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carole Fink, “Ostpolitik, 1969–1974: The European and Global Response,” Ohio State University: Mershon Center for International Security Studies (conference summary, 2006); and Villaume, Poul and Westad, Odd Arne, eds., Perforating the Iron Curtain: European Détente, Transatlantic Relations, and the Cold War, 1965–1985 (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2010)Google Scholar. A recent study on the impact of Vatican Ostpolitik on Hungary: Fejérdy, András, ed., The Vatican “Ostpolitik,” 1958–1978: Responsibility and Witness during John XXIII and Paul VI (Rome: Viella editrice libreria, 2015)Google Scholar.

⁶ Cf. Hungarian National Archives (Magyar Nemzeti Levétara, hereafter MNL) OL M–KS 288. f. 5/552. ő. e. 45–46. fol. Report to the Political Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party (HSWP), Budapest, April 19, 1971. The quotation can also be found in the biography of Cardinal Mindszenty, in Balogh, Margit, Kardinal József Mindszenty. Ein Leben zwischen kommunistischer Diktatur und Kaltem Krieg, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Osteuropa Zentrum. 2014), 509Google Scholar. This is the drastically shortened version of the original, two-volume biography: Balogh, Mindszenty József.

⁷ In the same meeting with the Hungarian foreign minister, the pope was reported to have said that Mindszenty was “a very difficult man, many of whose actions were hard to understand.” Cf. MNL, OL M–KS 288. f. 5/552. ő. e. 45–46. fol. Report to the Political Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party (HSWP), Budapest, April 19, 1971.

⁸ I am spelling “anticommunism” without a hyphen because I consider it a term that, similar to antisemitism, for the most part does not need a clearly defined enemy in relation to it. It is a rather blurry term: it can mean many different ways to express antagonism to communist ideas, movements, and governments. It is an antithesis that can mix with democratic, liberal, but also with conservative and even extreme right-wing ideas. Transnational anticommunism studies is still a small field, and it mostly focuses on the earlier period of the Cold War, not détente, and it does not include Hungarian émigrés. See Roulin, Stéphanie and Scott-Smith, Giles, Transnational Anti-Communism and the Cold War. Agents, Activities, and Networks, ed. van Dongen, Luc (Houndsmill: Palgrave MacMillan 2014)Google Scholar. Stone, Marla and Chamedes, Giuliana, “Naming the Enemy: Anti-communism in Transnational Perspective,” Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2018): 4–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Durham, M. and Power, Margaret, eds., New Perspectives on the Transnational Right (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016)Google Scholar. For the connection between anticommunism and antisemitism, see Hanebrink, Paul, A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), 2018Google Scholar.

⁹ The classic study by Kent, Peter C., The Lonely Cold War of Pope Pius XII: The Roman Catholic Church and the Division of Europe, 1943–1950 (Montreal: McGill–Queen's University Press, 2002)Google Scholar. The contemporary study on the topic was Hansjakob Stehle, Eastern Politics of the Vatican, 1917–79 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1981).

¹⁰ Frank J. Coppa, “Pope Pius XII and the Cold War: The Post-war Confrontation between Catholicism and Communism,” Religion and the Cold War, ed. Diane Kirby (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 50–66, esp. 60.

¹¹ Forlenza, Rosario, “The Enemy Within: Catholic Anti-Communism in Cold War Italy,” Past & Present 235, no. 1 (2017): 207–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar (https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtx016). Examples of studies that simply understand anticommunism as manipulation for the West German case are Klaus Körner, Die “rote Gefahr.” Antikommunistische Propaganda in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1950–2000 (Hamburg: Konkret Literatur Verlag, 2002), and Wolfgang Wippermann, Heilige Hetzjagd. Eine Ideologiegeschichte des Antikommunismus (Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag, 2012).

¹² Siegfried Weichlein, “Antikommunismus im westdeutschen Katholizismus,” Der Antikommunismus in seiner Epoche. Weltanschauung und Politik in Deutschland, Europa und den USA, ed. Norbert Frei and Dominik Rigoll (Jena: Jena Center Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Vorträge und Kolloquien, Bd. 21, 2017), 124–38. For a wider context, see also Martin G. Maier, “Eine Frage ‘nationaler Selbstbehauptung’? Konservativer Antikommunismus im Jahrzehnt nach 1968,” Neugründung auf alten Werten? Konservative Intellektuelle und Politik in der Bundesrepublik, ed. Sebastian Liebold and Frank Schale (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2017), 195–208.

¹³ Sabine Voßkamp, Katholische Kirche und Vertriebene in Westdeutschland. Integration, Identität und ostpolitischer Diskurs 1945–1972 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 2007), 347.

¹⁴ For Casaroli's initiatives, see Alberto Melloni, ed., Il Filo Sottile. L'Ostpolitik vaticana di Agostino Casaroli (Bologna: Società Editrice il Mulino, 2006). For the German peace activists, see Daniel Gerster, Friedensdialoge im Kalten Krieg. Eine Geschichte der Katholiken in der Bundesrepublik 1957–1983 (Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag, 2012), 102–3.

¹⁵ “Maulkorb getauscht,” Der Spiegel, October 4, 1971 (https://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-43230964.html).

¹⁶ “Maulkorb getauscht,” Der Spiegel, October 4, 1971.

¹⁷ Among the most influential figures in South and North America who celebrated Mindszenty as the embodiment of their political agenda were Phyllis Schlafly, the organizer of the “silent majority” in the United States. Cf. Donald T. Critchlow, Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman's Crusade (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008); even more radical was the movement started by the Brazilian professor Plinio de Corrêa. See Roberto de Mattei, The Crusader of the 20th Century: Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira (Leominster, UK: Gracewing Publishing, 1998).

¹⁸ Heléna Tóth and Todd H. Weir, “Religion and Socialism in the Long 1960s: From Antithesis to Dialogue in Eastern and Western Europe,” Special Issue 2: Religion and Socialism in the Long 1960s of Contemporary European History (2020): 127–38; also Tóth, Heléna, “Dialogue as a Strategy of Struggle. Religious Politics in East Germany, 1957–1968,” Contemporary European History (2020): 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the classic study by Paul Mojzes, Christian-Marxist Dialogue in Eastern Europe (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1981).

¹⁹ The text of the homily can be found in “Mindszenty: Gegenwart mit der Zeit nach Stephans Tod vergleichbar,” St. Heinrichsblatt. Kirchenzeitung für das Erzbistum Bamberg 79 (May 28, 1972): 2.

²⁰ The newspaper Fürther Nachrichten, May 23, 1972, even used this quotation as the headline: “Der Teufel regiert” (“The Devil Rules,” with the subtitle: “Harsh Critique of the Communist Leadership”).

²¹ What he failed to mention, however, was that this happened after the Stalinists had tried to completely outlaw abortions in the early 1950s, without much success. Cf. Andrea Petö, “Women's Rights in Stalinist Hungary: The Abortion Trials of 1952,” Hungarian Studies Review XXIX (2002): 49–76.

²² In the early 1970s, only a small part of Catholics challenged the church in the abortion debate, but many Catholic laypeople had already been alienated from the Vatican because of Paul VI's Encyclical Humanae Vitae (1968). Cf. Kimba Allie Tichenor, “Protecting Unborn Life in the Secular Age: The Catholic Church and the West German Abortion Debate, 1969–1989,” Central European History 47, no. 3 (2014): 612–45. On the negative impact of Humanae Vitae, see Katharina Ebner and Maria Mesner, “Attempted Disobedience: Humanae Vitae in West Germany and Austria,” The Schism of ’68, ed. Alana Harris (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 121–58.

²³ For the theoretical discussion of this, cf. Frijhoff, Willem, “Witnesses to the Other: Incarnate Longings—Saints and Heroes, Idols and Models,” Studia liturgica 34, no. 1 (2004): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Cf. Árpád v. Klimó, “Die Gehirnwäsche des Kardinals. Die Repräsentation des Falles Mindszenty in westlichen Spielfilmen (1950–55),” Über die österreichische Geschichte hinaus, Festschrift für Gernot Heiss zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Friedrich Edelmayer, Margarete Grandner, Jiří Pešek, and Oliver Rathkolb (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2012), 215–28.

²⁵ Original: “Erschütternd das Bild des von der Last seiner 80 Jahre und mehr noch in jahrzehntelanger kommunistischer Haft erlittenen Leiden gezeichneten Kirchenfürsten, was seinen Geist indes nicht zu brechen und seine Würde nicht zu beugen vermocht hatte.” Fränkischer Tag, May 23, 1972.

²⁶ Quoted in Vasari, Der verbannte Kardinal, 8.

²⁷ Hans Zech, “Auf ein Wort, liebe Leser!,” Heinrichsblatt, May 23, 1972.

²⁸ In a letter to US President Lyndon Johnson, Mindszenty qualified the Vietnam War as a “convenient and justified… punishing action.” National Archives of the United States, NARA RG 84, Records of the Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State, Hungary, Subject Files Relating to Cardinal Mindszenty 1956–72, Box 3, SOC 12 Cardinal File, Jan–Sept 1965. Letter of Cardinal Mindszenty to President Johnson, Budapest, March 21, 1965.

²⁹ According to Dr. Ferenc Galambos of the Hungarian Cultural Association of the Burgenland, cf. Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára (ÁBTL) 3.2.9. R–8–009/2, “Vecchio” II, 22–24.

³⁰ One of the more critical priests was the Hungarian Benedictine Lothar Sümegh, OSB, who wrote about the necessity of dialogue after the Second Vatican Council. Sümegh also invited Mindszenty in 1972 to the annual retreat of the Hungarian priests in Austria. Cf. ÁBTL 3.2.9. R–8–009/2, “Vecchio” II, 14.

³¹ ÁBTL 3.2.9. R–8–009/ 1, “Vecchio.” Report on Jesuits, Budapest, November 11, 1971, 188.

³² See Fejérdy, Pressed by a Double Loyalty; see also Árpád von Klimó, “Hungary and Vatican II: The Catholic Church between Communist Control and New Religious Movements,” Vatican II behind the Iron Curtain, ed. Piotr Kosicki (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2016), 50–74.

³³ József Vecsey was born in western Hungary, like Mindszenty (Nemeshetés, Zala), and died in Switzerland. He was ordained in 1938 in Szombathely, studied theology and became a teacher. In 1952, he escaped to the West. First, he worked for Radio Free Europe (1955–1959), then served as a priest in St. Gallen (Switzerland) and in Paris (1960–1966). In 1971, Mindszenty called him, as secretary, to the Pazmaneum in Vienna. After the cardinal passed away, he worked for the Mindszenty Foundation and its Archive in Liechtenstein (http://lexikon.katolikus.hu/V/Vecsey.html).

³⁴ Vecsey had since 1954 published articles in the Roman Katolikus Szemle and in the Hungarian exile periodicals Életünk and Új Európa. In 1957, he published the book Mindszenty József (Munich: Selbstverlag, 1957), and later Mindszenty-Dokumentation (St. Pölten, 1957–1958, St. Gallen: Selbstverlag, 1958–1959). Some of his other books were Der Prozess Mindszenty. Dokumente (Munich: Selbstverlag, 1961); Mindszenty the Man [together with Phillis Schlafly] (St. Louis: Mindszenty Foundation, 1973).

³⁵ Cf. Balogh, Mindszenty ÁBTL 3.2.5. O–8–552/12. 79. fol. Report of “Dér” [i.e., the intelligence officer Oszkár Kiss] on his meeting with Archbishop Casaroli, January 9, 1973; Mészáros, A száműzött bíboros szolgálatában Mindszenty József titkárának napi jegyzetei (1972–1975) (Abaliget: Lámpás Kiadó, 2000), 28. Record of June 26, 1972.

³⁶ Barankovics Foundation (https://barankovics.hu/keresztenydemokracia-adatbazis/ki-kicsoda/kozi-horvath-jozsef-dr).

³⁷ On Közi-Horváth's activities in Hungary after the war, see Jenő Gergely, “Towards the One-Party State: Nascent Christian Democracy in Hungary,” Christian Democracy in Europe since 1945 (London: Routledge, 2004), 142–57. On his role in the Christian Democratic Union of central Europe, see Piotr H. Kosicki and Slawomir Lukasiewicz, Christian Democracy Across the Iron Curtain (New York: Springer, 2018), 226, 228, 246. Cf. also Joseph Közi-Horváth, “The Aims of the Christian Democratic Union,” in Christian Democracy in Central Europe: Achievements and Aspirations of the Christian Democratic Movement (New York: Christian Democratic Union of Europe, 1952), 5–8.

³⁸ This was the group the Hungarian state security apparatus was mostly interested in. In their files, they might have exaggerated their isolation and the conflicts within the Hungarian diaspora.

³⁹ According to a report on the Hungarian emigration in West Germany, 1966, ÁBTL 3. 2. 5. O-8-822/2, “Németországi Magyar Szervezetek Központi Szövetsége és Tagszervezetek,” 2, 123.

⁴⁰ Vasari (Emil Csonka) counted 3,500 Hungarians and 5,000 visitors overall. Cf. Vasari, Der verbannte Kardinal, 108. Adolf Bauer of the Süddeutsche Zeitung counted 4,000 Hungarians, among which 600 youth.

⁴¹ Fränkischer Tag, May 23, 1972, title page.

⁴² Fränkischer Tag, May 23, 1972, title page.

⁴³ https://www.kastlalumni.eu/iskolánktörténete/. See also Nándor Dreisziger, Church and Society in Hungary and in the Hungarian Diaspora (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 204.

⁴⁴ Cf. “Harangozó Ferenc,” Magyar Katolikus Lexikon (http://lexikon.katolikus.hu/H/Harangoz%C3%B3.html).

⁴⁵ In 1968, the school received half million Deutsche Mark (DM) from the West German Ministry for Expellees. ÁBTL (Állambiztonsági Szolgálatok Történeti Levéltára, Budapest), 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3 “Németországi Magyar emigráns szervezetek, 33.

⁴⁶ ÁBTL 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3, “Németországi Magyar emigráns szervezetek,” 204. “Javaslat” (no date, written between November 1975 and November 1976).

⁴⁷ On February 2019, with the Congregation for the Causes of Saints and Pope Francis announced that Cardinal Mindszenty was declared “venerable” a major step toward beatification in the Catholic Church (http://www.ncregister.com/daily-news/cardinal-jozsef-mindszenty-venerable-crime-fighter).

⁴⁸ For an overview of the research, see Bange, Oliver, “Ostpolitik: Etappen und Desiderate der Forschung. Zur internationalen Einordnung von Willy Brandts Außenpolitik,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 46 (2006): 713–36Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ After the Staatsvertrag of 1955, the Cold War in Austria “ended,” as wrote Wolfgang Mueller “Österreich wurde—je nach politischer Präferenz—zu einem, ‘Musterbeispiel friedlicher Koexistenz,’ wie es Nikita Chruschtschow formulierte, oder, in den Worten von Papst Paul VI. anlässlich seines Pastoralbesuches 1971, zu einer ‘Insel der Seligen,’ die sich friedlich über den unruhigen Fluten des Ost-West-Konfliktes erhob.” Cf. Wolfgang Mueller, “Kalter Krieg, Neutralität und politische Kultur in Österreich,” APUZ, 2008 (https://www.bpb.de/apuz/32264/kalter-krieg-neutralitaet-und-politische-kultur-in-oesterreich?p=all). Chancellor Bruno Kreisky said that Austria had “nothing to do” with the Cold War in an announcement on April 20, 1970. Quoted in K. Konrad Ginther, Neutralität und Neutralitätspolitik. Die österreichische Neutralität zwischen Schweizer Muster und sowjetischer Koexistenzdoktrin (Wien and New York 1975), 113. This attitude was shared by a large part of the population. See Otto Schulmeister, “Die Einstellung der Österreicher zu Staatsvertrag und Neutralität,” 25 Jahre Staatsvertrag. Die Protokolle des Staats—und Festaktes (Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1980), 229–36.

⁵⁰ In the meantime, one of the two missing votes and how the Stasi had paid the representative has been identified without doubt. Cf. Grau, Andreas, “Auf der Suche nach den fehlenden Stimmen 1972. Zu den Nachwirkungen des gescheiterten Misstrauensvotums Barzel/Brandt,” Historisch-Politische Mitteilungen 16, no. 1 (2009): 1–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ There are numerous examples in Wippermann, Heilige Hetzjagd, and Körner, Die “rote Gefahr.”

⁵² Cf. Andrew Beattie's article in Annette Vowinckel, Marcus M. Payk, and Thomas Lindenberger, eds., Cold War Cultures: Perspectives on Eastern and Western European Societies (Berghahn Books, 2012). On the “specialists” in the United States, see Richard Breitman, Hitler's Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, US Intelligence, and the Cold War (Darby, PA: DIANE Publishing, 2010).

⁵³ Arch Puddington, Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2000).

⁵⁴ Melissa Feinberg, Curtain of Lies: The Battle over Truth in Stalinist Eastern Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).

⁵⁵ For discussions about closing the station or moving it out of West Germany, see Puddington, Broadcasting Freedom, 175–85. See also Gerhard Wettig, Broadcasting and Détente: Eastern Politicies and Their Implications for East-West Relations (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1977). The demand for RFE not to break the “Olympic peace,” is mentioned in Gyula Borbándi, Magyarok az angol kertben: A Szabad Európa Rádió története (Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó, 1996), 371.

⁵⁶ This was part of a larger action when about 400 refugees were deported by the Bavarian police from the refugee camp in Zirndorf near Nuremberg. The action was also protested by the Western Allies. See: Stokes, Lauren, “The Permanent Refugee Crisis in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–,” Central European History 52, no. 1 (2019): 19–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 32–34.

⁵⁷ A representative of the West German parliament had asked the government why the young Hungarian was sent back. The answer is in Deutscher Bundestag — 5. Wahlperiode — 10. Sitzung. Bonn, Donnerstag, 2. December (Bonn: Universitätsdruckerei, 1965), 401–2.

⁵⁸ ÁBTL 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3. “Németországi Magyar emigráns szervezetek 3,” 119.

⁵⁹ “Abgeschoben,” FAZ, November 19, 1965, 2. For a more detailed report, see cf. Georg Brunner, “Ungarn und das Problem der legalen Flucht,” Osteuropa 16, no. 4 (April 1966): 246–51.

⁶⁰ Patrice G. Poutrus, “Zuflucht im Nachkriegsdeutschland,” in Handbuch Staat und Migration vom 17. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Jochen Oltmer (Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter, 2016), 853–93, esp. 880; cf. also Poutrus, Patrice G., “Asyl im Kalten Krieg: eine Parallelgeschichte aus dem geteilten Nachkriegsdeutschland,” Totalitarismus und Demokratie 2, no. 2 (2005): 273–88Google Scholar.

⁶¹ About the liberalization of West German society, see Bernhard Dietz, Christopher Neumaier, Andreas Rödder, ed., Gab es den Wertewandel? Neue Forschungen zum gesellschaftlich-kulturellen Wandel seit den 1960er-Jahren (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2014).

⁶² ÁBTL 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3; ÁVH Objektum dosszié, III/I. “Németországi Magyar emigráns szervezetek,” 49. Report, Budapest September 24, 1970.

⁶³ Frank Boesch, “Abgrenzen, eingrenzen,” FAZ, September 10, 2019 (https://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/die-gegenwart/frank-boesch-abrenzen-eingrenzen-15455687.html?printPagedArticle=true#pageIndex_2).

⁶⁴ Pertti Ahonen, “German Expellee Organizations: Between Revisionism and Reconciliation,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 45 (2005): 353–73. See also Gerhard Hopp, Machtfaktor auch ohne Machtbasis? Die Sudetendeutsche Landsmannschaft und die CSU (Regensburg: VS Verlag, 2010), 119–36.

⁶⁵ One example is “Warschau bedrängt den Vatikan,” Ostpreussenblatt, November 17, 1971.

⁶⁶ Ahonen, “German Expellee Organizations,” 360.

⁶⁷ Edgar Wolfrum, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949–90 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2006), 386–88; Oliver Bange, “Ostpolitik as a Source of Intra-Bloc Tensions,” in NATO and the Warsaw Pact: Intrabloc Conflicts, ed. Mary Ann Heiss and S. Victor Papacosma (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2008), 106–21.

⁶⁸ Juneau, Jean-François, “The Limits of Linkage: The Nixon Administration and Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, 1969–72,” The International History Review 33, no. 2 (2011): 277–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ John Fry, Helsinki Process: Negotiating Security & Cooperation in Europe (Darby, PA: DIANE Publishing, 1999). Andreas Wenger, Vojtech Mastny, and Christian Nuenlist, eds., Origins of the European Security System: The Helsinki Process Revisited, 1965–75 (London and New York: Routledge, 2008). Petri Hakkarainen, A State of Peace in Europe: West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011).

⁷⁰ Lajos Dálnoki Veress served as military attaché in Vienna (1935–1938), and since 1938 he had commanded various infantry and cavalry units. From 1942–44, he was commander of the IX Corps. On October 16, 1944 he was arrested by the Hungarian fascist government. After his retirement, he was arrested and sentenced to execution following a show trial in 1947. The death penalty was commuted to a prison sentence. Liberated in 1956, he escaped to the West and settled in London. Cf. András Kis, A magyar közösségtől a földalatti fővezérségig (Budapest: Akademiai, 1969). “Dálnoki Veress Lajos,” Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon (https://mek.oszk.hu/00300/00355/html/őABC03014/03042.htm).

⁷¹ The paper was founded in Vienna, after the downfall of the revolution of 1956. Until 1963, the journal was edited in Vienna and printed in Munich; after that, the editors moved to Munich. In the first years, the Hungarian and the German (subtitle: “Donau-Bote”) editions were published monthly, and the English and French every second month. For an overview of the article see Mária Horák, “A Nemzetör repretoriuma. 1956–1990” (https://mek.oszk.hu/04400/04459). The monthly was partly financed by the Magyar Harcosok Bajtársi Közössége (MHBK or World Federation of Hungarian Veterans) and was founded after World War II. See also Jávor Miklós, “Hogyan tovább, elüldözött magyarok? Azonosságok és különbségek a Magyar Harcosok Bajtársi Közössége és a Magyar,” Acta Historica Hungarica Turiciensia 28, no. 1. (September 2012) (http://epa.uz.ua/01400/01445/00007/pdf/EPA01445_acta_hungarica_2012_2_049-060.pdf). For some time, the MHBK was involved in intelligence work for a number of Western countries, mostly France, the United States, Britain and West Germany. Cf. Mark Stout, “Émigré Intelligence: Sifting Fact from Fiction,” in Handbook of Intelligence Studies, ed. Loch K. Johnson (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), 253–68.

⁷² ÁBTL 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3, “Németországi Magyar emigráns szervezetek,” Siófok, February 27, 1975,194–95. The Magyar Hiradó was published in New Brunswick, NJ.

⁷³ For the campaign against Tollas by the Kádár regime, see László Juhász, “Tollas Tibor igazsága. 2. Rész. A Fekete füzet rágalmai,” Kortárs, April 2006 (https://www.kortarsonline.hu/archivum/2006/04/tollas-tibor-igazsaga.html).

⁷⁴ Ferenc Fiala (1904–1988) studied architecture in Munich and Paris and was a world-class fencer. From 1932, he worked as journalist for Új Magyarság. Since the later 1930s, he was engaged in the Arrow Cross movement as a leading journalist. In 1944, he became the chief press officer of the party. In 1946, the People's Court sentenced him to death for war crimes, but then changed the sentence to imprisonment. In 1956, he fled to West Germany, where he became the editor of the right-wing newspaper Hídfő. Fiala published, among other books: Ungarn in Ketten (Saarbrücken: Hídfö, 1957); Vádló bitófák. A magyar nemzet igazi sírásói (with Lajos Marschalkó, London: Hídfö, 1958); Zavaros évek … A Horthy-korszaktól Kádár Jánosig (London, 1965; München: Hídfö, 1976).

⁷⁵ ÁBTL 3.2.4. O-8-830/2, 80. Report Budapest, April 23, 1975.

⁷⁶ Gyula Borbándi, who worked for Radio Free Europe and the Új Látohatár, characterized Tollas and the Nemzetőr as “extremely conservative and nationalist.” Gyula Borbándi, “A magyar emigráció életrajza,” 2001 (http://mek.niif.hu/03400/03472/03472.pdf).

⁷⁷ Most recently, the activities of the West German secret services have been thoroughly studied by an independent historical commission (UHK). See the following: Thomas Wolf, Die Entstehung des BND. Aufbau, Finanzierung, Kontrolle (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2018); Jost Dülffer, Geheimdienst in der Krise. Der BND in den 1960er Jahren (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2018); Sabrina Nowack, Sicherheitsrisiko NS-Belastung. Personalüberprüfungen im Bundesnachrichtendienst in den 1960er Jahren (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2016). About the tensions between US and West German secret services, see Bernd Stöver, Die Befreiung vom Kommunismus. Amerikanische Liberation Policy im Kalten Krieg (Wien: Böhlau, 2002).

⁷⁸ Zoltán Makra was born in Arad, in 1915, per CIA document, August 1, 1960 (https://archive.org/details/MAKRAJANOSZOLTAN-0060/page/n3).

⁷⁹ Zoltán Makra, Honvédelmi miniszterek szolgálatában: Végzetes döntések korszaka—1940–1944 (Munich: Hídfö, 1986). Also see Kommunismus gestern, heute, morgen, which was edited by the Association of the Free Press under the editorial guidance of Kristof Greiner, Wolodymyr Lenyk, Zoltan Makra (Munich, 1965).

⁸⁰ “A távozó visszanéz,” Nemzetör 3, no. 41 (October 1958): 3; György Temesi, “A fogoly,” Nemzetör, 5, no. 92 (December 1960): 1; “A bíboros és hazája,” Nemzetör 8, no. 150 (May 1963): 1.

⁸¹ József Mindszenty, “A kereszthordó Pázmány,” Nemzetör 17, no. 265 (April 1972): 3, 4.

⁸² Tibor Tollas, “A Nemzetőr főszerkesztője Mindszentynél,” Nemzetör 16, no. 262 (December 1971/January 1972): 2.

⁸³ AVH Report, “Az ellenséges Magyar emigráció Mindszentyvel kapcs tervei,” Budapest, June 29, 1972, ÁBTL 3.2.4. O-8-830/1, 33. This idea was also included in the newsletter of ECFH, dating July 10, 1972.

⁸⁴ ÁBTL 3.2.4. O-8-830/1, 33.

⁸⁵ According to a state security report, Mindszenty paid 1,150 DM to the Congress in 1975, which was the largest part of their income of 1,719 DM. ÁBTL3.2.4. O-8-830/2, 35.

⁸⁶ One example for the exiled Hungarians who would visit the country often and even engaged in business activities was Count György Széchenyi (1910–1984), a former landowner and administrator, later member of the PEN Club. He had close contacts with the German Foreign Ministry. Another one was the very successful businessman Gyula Meleghy, who was also trading with Hungary. Cf. ÁBTL. 2. 2. 4. 0-8-822/3, 67–68.

⁸⁷ “WH,” “Der Kardinal,”Bamberger Nachrichten/Fränkischer Tag, Nr. 115, S. 13, May 20, 1972. For similar, see Adolf Bauer, “Mindszenty predigt vor Landsleuten. Der ungarische Kardinal feiert in Bamberg den 1000. Geburtstag von König Stephan,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 23, 1972, 16. The birth date of King St. Stephen is contested. Most recently, 975 has been argued instead of 972. For the discussion, see György Györffy, King Saint Stephen of Hungary (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994).

⁸⁸ Cf. W. R. Valentiner, The Bamberg Rider: Studies of Mediaeval German Sculpture (Los Angeles: Zeitlin & Verbrugge, 1956), and Paul Williamson, Gothic Sculpture, 1140–1300 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 95.

⁸⁹ Máté Gergely Balogh, “Killing the Canard: Saint Stephen's Crown, Nixon, Budapest, and the Hungarian Lobby,” HJEAS: Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies 24, no. 1 (2018): 165–266.

⁹⁰ The Phyllis Schlafly Report 6, no. 6 (January 1972).

⁹¹ New York Times, February 9, 1972.

⁹² One priest, Msgr. Gábor Vargha, who still used the title “vitéz,” an order founded during the Horthy regime in the 1920s, addressed Mindszenty in a letter as “Cardinal Mindszenty Prince Primate, First Standard Bearer.” Cf. Letter by Mons. Vitéz Vargha Gábor to Mindszenty, February 5, 1972, Mindszenty Alapítvány Levéltára (Archive of the Mindszenty Foundation, i. f. MAL), Bambergi út (trip to Bamberg).

⁹³ Mevius, Martin, “A Crown for Rákosi: The Vogeler Case, the Holy Crown of St. Stephen, and the (Inter)National Legitimacy of the Hungarian Communist Regime, 1945–1978,” Slavonic & East European Review 89, no. 1 (2011): 76–107Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Cf. Report of the Office of Church Affairs on the émigré press. Hungarian National Archives (Magyar Országos Levéltára, hereafter MOL) Állami Egyházügyi Hivatal, “Magyar Világszövetsége. “Mindszenty József távozása hatása, visszhangja, az emigrácios magyar sajtó tükrében,” August 7, 1972, 20–22.

⁹⁵ Cf. Weichlein, “Antikommunismus im westdeutschen Katholizismus.” For a broader perspective, see Paul Hanebrink, A Specter Haunting Europe.

⁹⁶ MOL, “Magyar Világszövetsége, “Mindszenty József távozása hatása, visszhangja, az emigrácios magyar sajtó tükrében” (August 7, 1972), 23.

⁹⁷ MOL, “Magyar Világszövetsége” (August 7, 1972), 23.

⁹⁸ Open Society Archives, Budapest (HU OSA) 300-1-1. Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute: General Records: Rome Bureau BOX 1, Folder 15, “Hungarian Pilgrimage to Rome, May 17, 1972.” For the Hungarian state security the pilgrimage was a “very successful” action. Cf. ÁBTL 3.2.3. Mt 807/3, “Ludwig Beron” Ügy dosszié, Róma, June 21, 1972. “A római zarádokat.…”

⁹⁹ Majsai Tamás, “‘Ismereteimet soha, senkinek nem fedhetem fel.’ Papi ügynökök a Vatikán előszobáiban—I. Rész,” Beszélő 12, no. 1 (December 2007) (http://beszelo.c3.hu/cikkek/%E2%80%9Eismereteimet-soha-senkinek-nem-fedhetem-fel%E2%80%9D).

¹⁰⁰ HU OSA 300-1-1 Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute: General Records: Rome Bureau BOX 1, Folder 15, “Hungarian Pilgrimage to Rome, May 22, 1972.

¹⁰¹ HU OSA 300-1-1 Records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute: General Records: Rome Bureau BOX 1, Folder 15, “Hungarian Pilgrimage to Rome, May 24, 1972.”

¹⁰² Cf. ÁBTL 3.2.3. Mt 807/3, “Ludwig Beron,” 346. Father Fábián (1919–1993) had worked for Radio Free Europe (1956–78) in Munich. Before that, he had studied theology in Rome and worked as a pastor for Hungarian refugees in Switzerland. “Father Károly” (Károly atya) had a popular Catholic radio program and he often mentioned Mindszenty. He published in various émigré journals, among them the Irodalmi Újság, Új Európa, Nemzetőr, and Életünk, but also in the Katolikus Szemle (Rome) and the Délamerikai Magyar Újságban (http://szer.oszk.hu/szemelyek/fabian-karoly).

¹⁰³ Lynn, Katalin Kadar, “The Return of the Crown of St. Stephen and Its Subsequent Impact on the Carter Administration,” East European Quarterly 34, no. 2 (2000): 181Google Scholar. Hann, Christopher M., “Socialism and King Stephen's Right Hand,” Religion in Communist Lands 18, no. 1 (1990): 4–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ “Pope Begins Hungary Visit with Tribute to Mindszenty,” New York Times, August 17, 1991.

¹⁰⁵ The Fundamental Law of Hungary (April 2011), 3 (www.kormany.hu/download/e/02/00000/The New Fundamental Law of Hungary.pdf).