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PYTHAGORAS’ NORTHERN CONNECTIONS: ZALMOXIS, ABARIS, ARISTEAS

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 September 2016

Leonid Zhmud
Leonid Zhmud*
Affiliation:
Institute for the History of Science Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg
*
l.zhmud@spbu.ru
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Extract

Apart from his teachings, wonders and scientific discoveries, Pythagoras was also known for his wide-ranging journeys. Ancient authors alleged that he visited many countries and nations from Egypt to India, stayed with the Phoenicians and the Ethiopians and talked to the Persian Magi and Gallic Druids. However, he never went to the North. If, nevertheless, he was eventually associated with the northern inhabitants, it is only because they themselves came into close contact with him. The first of them was Zalmoxis, a deity of a Thracian tribe, the Getae, who guaranteed them immortality after death (Hdt. 4.94). Having described a blood ritual that the Getae practised to become immortal, Herodotus relates a story he heard from the Hellespontine and Pontic Greeks. It goes that Zalmoxis was not a daimōn but a former slave of Pythagoras on Samos and, having adopted the doctrine of immortality from him, he returned to Thrace and converted his tribesmen to it with a cunning trick. He invited the most prominent of them to a men's hall (ἀνδρείων) for entertainment and told them that neither he nor they or their descendants would die, but would live eternally. Then, having constructed a secret underground chamber, he suddenly disappeared from the eyes of the Getae and hid in his shelter for three full years, being lamented as dead. Then he showed himself again to the Getae, thus persuading them of the truth of his promises (4.95).

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Research Article
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The Classical Quarterly , Volume 66 , Issue 2 , December 2016 , pp. 446 - 462
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Copyright © The Classical Association 2016 

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References

1 There is still no full dossier on Zalmoxis: von Fritz, K., ‘Zalmoxis’, RE 9A (1967), 2301–3Google Scholar is too cursory. Eliade, M., ‘Zalmoxis’, History of Religions 11 (1972), 257–302 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (a chapter from a book) gives extensive bibliography, but requires great caution. See also Hartog, F., The Mirror of Herodotus (London, 1988), 84–108 Google Scholar; Asheri, D., Lloyd, A., Corcella, A. (edd.), A Commentary on Herodotus. Books I-IV (Oxford, 2007), 647–9Google Scholar. For further bibliography, see Ustinova, J., Caves and the Ancient Greek Mind (Oxford, 2009), 100 CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 315 and J.N. Bremmer, ‘Zalmoxis’, Brill's New Pauly (Brill Online: http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/brill-s-new-pauly).

2 Centrone, B., ‘Abaris l'Hyperboréen’, DPhA 1 (1989), 44–6Google Scholar; K. Dowden, ‘Abaris’ (34), Brill's New Jacoby (Brill Online: http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/brill-s-new-pauly).

3 Porph. VP 28; Iambl. VP 91–3, 135–6, 140–1.

4 Bolton, J., Aristeas of Proconnesus (Oxford, 1962)Google Scholar, with earlier literature; Bremmer, J.N., The Early Greek Concept of the Soul (Princeton, 1983), 25–40 Google Scholar; Bremmer, J.N., The Rise and Fall of the Afterlife (New York, 2002), 33–40 Google Scholar; Ivantchik, A., ‘La datation du poeme l'Arimaspée d'Aristéas de Proconnese’, L'Antiquité Classique 62 (1993), 5–67 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; S. West, ‘Herodotus on Aristeas’, in C.J. Tuplin (ed.), Pontus and the Outside World (Leiden, 2004), 43–67; Corcella (n. 1), 582–6. Full dossier with succinct commentary: K. Dowden, ‘Aristeas’ (35), Brill's New Jacoby (Brill Online: http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/brill-s-new-pauly).

5 Phot. Bibl. 110a22–8; Porph. VP 14–15. For further references, see Zhmud, L., Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans (Oxford, 2012), 73–5Google Scholar.

6 See Howald, E., ‘Handbücher als Quellen des Diogenes Laertius’, Philologus 74 (1917), 119–30Google Scholar; H. Jäger, Die Quellen des Porphyrios in seiner Pythagoras-Biographie (Diss., Zürich, 1919), passim; Lévy, I., Recherches sur les sources de la légende de Pythagore (Paris, 1926), 111–16Google Scholar; Burkert, W., Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism (Cambridge, MA, 1972), 100–1Google Scholar.

7 The Aristoxenian provenance of the catalogue was suggested by E. Rohde and H. Diels and supported by W. Burkert and M. Timpanaro Cardini; see Zhmud (n. 5), 109–13.

8 See Zhmud, L., ‘Aristoxenus and the Pythagoreans’, in Huffman, C.A. (ed.), Aristoxenus of Tarentum (New Brunswick, 2011), 223–49Google Scholar.

9 See recently Bremmer (n. 4 [‘Rise and Fall’]), ch. 3; Zhmud (n. 5), 207–20.

10 Interestingly, Plato's image of Zalmoxis as both the Thracian god and king and the partisan of the holistic medicine (Chrm. 156d–157c) did not receive further development, perhaps because, contrary to the dominant trend, Plato depicts Zalmoxis’ physicians as superior to Greek physicians: they cure the soul with magical charms (ἐπῳδαί) and are said to be able even to give immortality (ἀπαθανατίζειν); cf. Γέτας τοὺς ἀθανατίζοντας in Hdt. 4.93. See McPherran, M.L., ‘Socrates and Zalmoxis on drugs, charms, and purification’, Apeiron 37 (2004), 11–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Heraclitus (B 129 DK), Ion of Chios (B 4 DK), Empedocles (B 129 DK), Antisthenes (fr. 51 Decleva Caizzi), Alcidamas (14 A 5 DK); Dissoi logoi (90.6 DK). See Zhmud (n. 5), 33–5.

12 Fr. 51 = V A 187 SSR. The tradition of these speeches is reflected also in Dicaearchus (fr. 33) and Timaeus (ap. Iust. 20.4).

13 Linforth, I., ‘OI AΘANATIZONTEΣ (Herodotus iv. 93–96)’, CPh 13 (1918), 23–33 Google Scholar; Boyancé, P., Le Culte des Muses chez les philosophes grecs (Paris, 1937), 134 Google Scholar; Morrison, J., ‘Pythagoras of Samos’, CQ 6 (1956), 135–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Hartog (n. 1), 98; cf. ‘Salmoxis refers us to Pythagoras; Pythagoras refers us to Salmoxis’ (101).

15 See n. 12 above.

16 Burkert (n. 6), 158–61.

17 See, for example, Graf, F., ‘Orpheus: a poet among men’, in Bremmer, J. (ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology (London, 1987), 80–106 Google Scholar, at 91–2; Bollansée, J., ‘Commentary on FGrHist 1026 F 24’, in Bollansée, J. (ed.), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker continued. Fasc. 3: Hermippos of Smyrna (Leiden, 1999), 269–70Google Scholar; Riedweg, C., Pythagoras: His Life, Teaching, and Influence (Ithaca, NY and London, 2005), 56–7Google Scholar; sceptically: Hartog (n. 1), 101; cautiously: Bremmer, J.N., ‘Descents to hell and ascents to heaven in apocalyptic literature’, in Collins, J. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Apocalyptic Literature (Oxford, 2014), 342 Google Scholar.

18 So Bollansée (n. 17), 271; Ustinova (n. 1), 102 n. 323.

19 It was thoroughly analysed by Ustinova (n. 1), 89–104. See also Rohde, E., Psyche (London, 1925), 106 Google Scholar n. 13.

20 Rohde, E., ‘Die Quellen des Iamblichus in seiner Biographie des Pythagoras’, RhM 26 (1871), 554–76Google Scholar and RhM 27 (1872), 23–61 = repr. in E. Rhode, Kleine Schriften (Tübingen, 1901), 2.102–72, at 106 n. 1; Rohde (n. 19), 263 and n. 69; Corssen, P., ‘Der Abaris des Heraklides Ponticus’, RhM 67 (1912), 20–57 Google Scholar, at 43–5; Lévy (n. 6), 39–41; Lévy, I., La légende de Pythagore: de Grèce à Palestine (Paris, 1927), 133 Google Scholar. See also Gottschalk, H.B., Heraclides of Pontus (Oxford, 1980), 118 Google Scholar.

21 Frr. 18–24 Wehrli = FGrHist 1026 F 1, 21–7. See Wehrli, commentary on frr. 18–24; differently: Bollansée, J., Hermippos of Smyrna and His Biographical Writings. A Reappraisal (Leuven, 1997), 44–52 Google Scholar. On the alleged katabasis of Pythagoras, see Zhmud (n. 5), 216–18.

22 See n. 6 above.

23 For wisdom, see n. 11 above; to interpret σοφιστής as ‘expert on wonders’ (Burkert [n. 6], 211) does not stand up. Metempsychosis: Xenophanes B 7 DK, Ion B 4 DK, possibly Empedocles B 129 DK. On the early tradition in general, see Zhmud (n. 5), 25–60.

24 He is featured recently in: A. Versluis, American Gurus. From Transcendentalism to New Age Religion (Oxford, 2014), 181–7.

25 Kingsley, P., A Story Waiting to Pierce You: Mongolia, Tibet and the Destiny of the Western World (Golden Sufi Center, 2010)Google Scholar. For very strong positive reviews on the book, see Gemelli, L., Gnomon 84 (2012), 36–40 Google Scholar; Shaw, G., Ancient Philosophy 32 (2012), 171–6Google Scholar.

26 See Curta, F., Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, ca. 500–1250 (Cambridge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 On these two items, see already Moravcsik, G., ‘Abaris, Priester von Apollon’, Körösi Csoma-Archivum, Suppl. 1 (1936), 104–18Google Scholar.

28 Gladisch, A., Die Hyperboreer and die alten Schinesen (Leipzig, 1866)Google Scholar; cf. the reaction of O. Curtius: ‘seine mit dem Tone vollster Siegesgewissheit vorgetragenen Auseinandersetzungen gehen aber von den bedeutungslosesten Analogieen aus ‹…› und zeigen nur, dass dem geistvollen Manne das Augenmass für die Wahrscheinlichkeit bereits abhanden gekommen war’; see Curtius, O., ‘Hyperboreer’, Roscher Lexicon (Leipzig, 1884–1890), 1.2829Google Scholar.

29 See, for instance, Phillips, E.D., ‘The legend of Aristeas: fact and fancy in early Greek notions of East Russia, Siberia, and Inner Asia’, Artibus Asiae 18 (1955), 161–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mayor, A., ‘Heaney M. Griffins and Arimaspeans’, Folklore 104 (1993), 40–66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 See n. 10 above.

31 This was suggested for the first time by A.B. Krische, De societatis a Pythagora conditae scopo politico (Diss., Göttingen, 1830), 37–8. See further Diels, H., ‘Ein gefälschtes Pythagorasbuch’, AGPh 3 (1890), 454 Google Scholar ff. = repr. in W. Burkert (ed.), Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte der antiken Philosophie (Darmstadt, 1969), 266–87, at 283 n. 39; Rohde (n. 19), 327 n. 108 (with reservations, cf. n. 74 below); O. Voss, De Heraclidis Pontici vita et scriptis (Diss., Rostock, 1896), 56–8; Corssen (n. 20) 29, 38–41; Rehm, A., ‘Zum Abaris des Herakleides Pontikos’, RhM 67 (1912), 417–24Google Scholar, at 421–3; W. Bertermann, De Iamblichi vitae Pythagoricae fontibus (Diss., Königsberg, 1913), 45–50; Boyancé, P., ‘Sur l'Abaris d'Héraclide le Pontique’, REA 36 (1934), 321–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; de Vogel, C.J., ‘On Iamblichus V.P. 215–219’, Mnemosyne 18 (1965), 388–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; F. Wehrli, Herakleides Pontikos (Basel, 19692), 86 (‘wahrscheinlich’). Doubts were expressed by Burkert (n. 6), 103 n. 32, and criticisms by Gottschalk (n. 20), 120–6.

32 Lévy (n. 6), 23–57, 34–6; Lévy (n. 20), 48, 52; Burkert (n. 6), 103 n. 32.

33 Note that Abaris is flying on the arrow in On Justice (fr. 24B), whereas Pythagoras is featured in the dialogue On the Women who Stopped Breathing (frr. 84–6).

34 Diels (n. 31), 283 n. 39.

35 Voss (n. 31), 56.

36 He related it to the ‘Verbindung der beiden Wundermänner in der späteren Legende’, Wehrli (n. 31), 86.

37 Lévy (n. 6), 25 n. 5, 79–81; Thesleff, H., The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period (Åbo, 1965), 169–70Google Scholar; A.-J. Festugière (ed.), Proclus, Commentaires sur le Timée (Paris, 1967), 3.30 n. 2; Centrone (n. 2), 45.

38 καὶ τὸ περὶ φύσεως σύγγραμμα καὶ ἄλλο τὸ περὶ θεῶν ὡς ἐν βραχυτάτοις αὐτὸν ἀνεδίδαξεν (VP 90, cf. 93), trans. Dillon-Hershbell. On Nature is, then, Λόγος πρὸς Ἄβαριν. Schütrumpf wrongly attributes VP 90–3, on which see pp. 458–60 below, to Heraclides, fr. 149B (‘Incerta’).

39 His biographies were written by Aristoxenus, Dicaearchus, Neanthes of Cyzicus, Clearchus of Soli, Hermippus of Smyrna, Satyrus, Hippobotus, Sotion of Alexandria, Heraclides Lembos, Sosicrates and Anonymous in Diodorus Siculus. See Zhmud (n. 5), 63–72.

40 Zhmud (n. 5), 72.

41 See p. 459 below.

42 See Fontenrose, J., Delphic Oracle: Its Responses and Operations (Berkeley, 1978), 162 ff., 294–5Google Scholar.

43 FGrHist 264 F 7 = Diod. Sic. 2.47.5.

44 See Diels, H., ‘Über Epimenides von Kreta’, Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1 (1891), 387 Google Scholar = repr. in Burkert, W. (ed.), Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte der antiken Philosophie (Darmstadt, 1969), 35–62 Google Scholar, at 42–3; Fraser, P.M., Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972), 2.638Google Scholar n. 527 (with further bibliography). Against Diels's suggestion: Ziegler, K., ‘Paradoxographen’, RE 18/3 (1949), 1142, 1153–4Google Scholar.

45 We do not even know whether Theopompus regarded Pythagoras a student of Pherecydes; for the first time this version is attested in Aristotle (fr. 611.32; cf. fr. 191) and Andron of Ephesus (probably, the second part of the fourth century b.c.), who ascribed to Pythagoras the same miraculous prophecies (FGrHist 1005 F 3) that Theopompus linked with Pherecydes (FGrHist 115 F 70).

46 Ἄβαρις ὁ Σκύθης ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων, ἄπειρος τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς παιδείας ὢν καὶ ἀμύητος (Iambl. VP 90); Ἄβαριν τὸν σοφὸν γένος μὲν Ὑπερβόρειον λέγουσιν, Ἕλληνα δὲ τὴν φωνὴν γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ Σκύθην μὲν ἄχρι στολῆς τε καὶ σχήματος (Himer. Or. 23.15); Greg. Naz. Carm. Mor. 684.10; Procop. Soph. Ep. 58.15; Ps.-Nonnus, Schol. mythol., or. 43, hist. 7.10; Suda, s.v. Abaris; Phot. Bibl. 374a5–20.

47 Ἱππόστρατος μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν νγʹ αὐτὸν Ὀλυμπιάδα λέγει παραγενέσθαι, ὁ δὲ Πίνδαρος κατὰ Κροῖσον τὸν Λυδῶν βασιλέα, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ τὴν καʹ Ὀλυμπιάδα (FGrHist 568 F 4).

48 Rohde (n. 19), 328 n. 108 cont.; Lévy (n. 6), 119 n. 4; F. Jacoby, FGrHist 568 F 4, comm. 596; Jacoby, F., ‘Hippostratus’, RE 8 (1955), 1922 Google Scholar. Boyancé (n. 31) in vain attempted to find this encounter in Heraclides Ponticus. Cf. Gottschalk (n. 20), 123–6.

49 For tradition on Phalaris, see Hinz, V., Nunc Phalaris doctum protulit ecce caput. Antike Phalarislegende und Nachleben der Phalarisbriefe (Munich, 2001), 68 n. 192, 87–90 Google Scholar, 91 n. 275.

50 Zhmud (n. 5), 81–3. Hippostratus’ predecessor Timaeus of Tauromenium put Pythagoras even later in the fifth century than Aristoxenus: von Fritz, K., ‘Pythagoras’, RE 47 (1963), 179–81Google Scholar.

51 Note that at Pyth. 1.94–6 Pindar contrasts Croesus and Phalaris. Harpocration (second century a.d.), citing Hippostratus and other sources on Abaris (Lexicon, p. 3.7), passes over Sicily in silence.

52 Apollonius, Mir. 6 = fr. 191, trans. Ross.

53 Ael. VH 2.26 (Olympia is supplied by Ross); 4.17 = Arist. fr. 191.

54 Ael. VH 2.26= Arist. fr. 191.

55 … καὶ αὐτοῦ οἱ μαθηταὶ δόξαν εἶχον περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς εἴη Ἀπόλλων ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων ἀφιγμένος (8.11).

56 καὶ μετὰ τῶν θεῶν τὸν Πυθαγόραν λοιπὸν κατηρίθμουν <…> οἳ μὲν τὸν Πύθιον, οἳ δὲ τὸν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων Ἀπόλλωνα, οἳ δὲ τὸν Παιᾶνα <…> φημίζοντες (trans. Dillon-Hershbell). Cf. καὶ ἓν τοῦτο τῶν ἀκουσμάτων ἐστί· ‘τίς εἶ, Πυθαγόρα;’ φασὶ γὰρ εἶναι Ἀπόλλωνα Ὑπερβόρεον (VP 140). On this acusma, see Zhmud (n. 5), 195 n. 102.

57 ‘Aristotle relates … that the following division was preserved by the Pythagoreans … that there are three kinds of rational living creatures—gods, men, and beings like Pythagoras’ (VP 31 = fr. 192, trans. Ross). Cf. ‘Pythagoras used to tell people that he was born of more than mortal seed’ (Ael. VH 4.17 = Arist. fr. 191, trans. Ross).

58 Πάριοι γοῦν Ἀρχίλοχον καίπερ βλάσφημον ὄντα τετιμήκασι, καὶ Χῖοι Ὅμηρον οὐκ ὄντα πολίτην, καὶ Μυτιληναῖοι Σαπφῶ καίπερ γυναῖκα οὖσαν ‹…›, καὶ Ἰταλιῶται Πυθαγόραν, καὶ Λαμψακηνοὶ Ἀναξαγόραν ξένον ὄντα ἔθαψαν καὶ τιμῶσι ἔτι καὶ νῦν (Arist. Rh. 1398b10–20 = 14 A 5 DK). On the heroic cult of poets, see Clay, D., Archilochos Heros: The Cult of Poets in the Greek Polis (Cambridge, MA, 2004)Google Scholar.

59 See Clay, D., ‘The hero cult of Greek philosophers’, Oxford Encyclopedia of Greece and Rome (Oxford, 2010), 427 Google Scholar. According to Sotion, Parmenides build a herōon to his teacher, the Pythagorean Ameinias, after his death (Diog. Laert. 9.21 = 28 A 1 DK). This information goes back probably to Timaeus; see Zhmud (n. 5), 71 n. 42. Plato and Aristotle also received a heroic cult.

60 Diod. Sic. 10.9.9. Cf. 10.3.3 … ὡσπερεὶ πρός τινος θεοῦ παρουσίαν ἅπαντας συντρέχειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόασιν. For Aristoxenus as a source of Diodorus’ biography, see Zhmud (n. 5), 72 n. 47.

61 Iambl. VP 7 (from Apollonius) = Eudox. fr. 324 Lasserre = Xenocr. fr. 224 Isnardi Parente. It is possible that Eudoxus and Xenocrates modelled this legend on the similar story Speusippus told about Plato's Apollonian origin (fr. 1 Tarán). See Riginos, A.E., Platonica. The Anecdotes Concerning the Life and Writings of Plato (Leiden, 1976), 9–15 Google Scholar; Tarán, L., Speusippus of Athens (Leiden, 1981), 236 CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 26. Cf. Burkert (n. 6), 146.

62 Burkert (n. 6), 113; Kraay, C.M., Archaic and Classical Greek Coins (London, 1976), 164 Google Scholar.

63 Nilsson, M.P., Geschichte der griechischen Religion (Munich, 1955 2), 1.669Google Scholar.

64 On Pythagoras’ struggle against luxury and indulgence, see Bernhard, R., Luxuskritik und Aufwandsbeschränkungen in der griechischen Welt (Stuttgart, 2003), 52–62 Google Scholar; Zhmud (n. 5), 352 and n. 19. Speeches: p. 456 above.

65 The Hyperboreans are mentioned in the Ps.-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (fr. 150, 21 M.-W.) and in Alcman, fr. 90 Page. For analysis of the sources, see Curtius (n. 28).

66 Ael. VH 2.26; Diog. Laert. 8.11; Porph. VP 28; Iambl. VP 30, 135, 140.

67 Arist. fr. 611.32, Andron (FGrHist 1005 F 4), Aristoxenus (fr. 14), Dicaearchus (fr. 34), Neanthes (FGrHist 84 F 29), Duris (FGrHist 76 F 22).

68 Diog. Laert. 8.13, cf. 22; Iambl. VP 25 (from Apollonius), 35. On bloodless sacrifices, see also Plut. Numa 8.15; Clem. Al. Strom. 7.32.

69 ‘It is told of Pythagoras that he, having discovered something new in geometry, sacrificed a bull to the Muses, but I do not believe it, his having refused to sacrifice even to Apollo of Delos’ (Cic. Nat. D. 3.88).

70 τοὺς δὲ Ὑπερβορέους Ἑλλάνικος ὑπὲρ τὰ Ῥιπαῖα ὄρη οἰκεῖν ἱστορεῖ· διδάσκεσθαι δὲ αὐτοὺς δικαιοσύνην μὴ κρεοφαγοῦντας, ἀλλ' ἀκροδρύοις χρωμένους (FGrHist 4 F 187c).

71 See Curtius (n. 28), 2831–2.

72 Burkert (n. 6), 180–3; Zhmud (n. 5), 234–7.

73 Rohde (n. 20), 34, 44. Bertermann (n. 31), 75–6 agreed with him, as he usually did (hesitantly about VP 140–1).

74 Rohde (n. 19), 328 n. 108 cont. ‘There is not a scrap of evidence to show that Herakleides did actually made Abaris meet Pythagoras’ (ibid.).

75 Corssen (n. 20), 38–40.

76 Lévy (n. 6), 14–17, 111–12.

77 Burkert (n. 6), 103 n. 32, 143 n. 127.

78 Rohde (n. 20), 34: ‘Beide [i.e. Apollonius and Nicomachus] folgen im Wesentlichen der gleichen Tradition.’ The parallels are conveniently collected in Rose, V., Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus (Leipzig, 1863), 196 Google Scholar.

79 ‘Handbuch A’ in the classification of Howald (n. 6.) and Jäger (n. 6).

80 See p. 447 above.

81 Rohde (n. 20), 44.

82 Rohde (n. 20), 44–5; Burkert (n. 6), 100 n. 15.

83 Cf. Iambl. VP 92 and 141 on Abaris preventing the pest in Lacedaemon and Apollonius, Mir. 4.

84 Including those by Anonymus Diodori (Diod. Sic. 10.3–11) and Anonymus Photii (Phot. Bibl. 438b-441b) = Thesleff (n. 37), 229–34, 237–43.

85 Delatte, A., La Vie de Pythagore de Diogène Laërce (Brussels, 1922), 13–15 Google Scholar; Burkert (n. 6), 101–2.

86 FGrHist 273 F 94. Zhmud (n. 5), 88–9, 90 n. 124.

87 The golden thigh: Apollonius, Mir. 6; Ael. VH 2.26, 4.17; Plut. Numa 8; Lucian, Vit. auct. 6, Gallus 18, Dial. mort. 20.3, Alex. 40; Diog. Laert. 8.11; Hyperborean Apollo: Ael. VH 2.26; Lucian, Dial. mort. 20.3; Diog. Laert. 8.11; cf. Iambl. VP 30.

88 Rehm (n. 31), 432 tried to harmonize these discrepancies, unsuccessfully, as Burkert (n. 6), 103 n. 32 shows.

89 Λάκωνες Αὐτοχαρίδας, Κλεάνωρ, Εὐρυκράτης· Ὑπερβόρειος Ἄβαρις· Ῥηγῖνοι Ἀριστείδης, Δημοσθένης, Ἀριστοκράτης and others (Aristox. ap. Iambl. VP 267 = 58 A DK). See n. 7 above.

90 Cf. Aristox. fr. 17, 43; Zhmud (n. 5), 114.

91 For different datings of Arimaspea, see Winiarczyk, M., Die hellenistischen Utopien (Berlin, 2011), 56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 69. The most realistic date, 620–580 b.c., is suggested by Dowden (n. 4), Biographical Essay.

92 Bolton (n. 4), ch. VII: Aristeas Pythagoricus. Cf. Burkert, W., ‘Aristeas of Proconnesus by J.D.P. Bolton’, Gnomon 35 (1963), 235–40Google Scholar; West (n. 4).

93 Ivantchik (n. 4).

94 Ath. 605c = FGrHist 115 F 248; see Jacoby's note to this fragment.

95 E.g. Clem. Al. Strom. 1.21.133 = Her. Pont. fr. 55: προγνώσει δὲ καὶ Πυθαγόρας ὁ μέγας προσανεῖχεν αἰεὶ Ἄβαρίς τε ὁ Ὑπερβόρειος καὶ Ἀριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος Ἐπιμενίδης τε ὁ Κρής, ὅστις εἰς Σπάρτην ἀφίκετο, καὶ घωροάστρης ὁ Μῆδος Ἐμπεδοκλῆς τε ὁ Ἀκραγαντῖνος καὶ Φορμίων ὁ Λάκων, ναὶ μὴν Πολυάρατος ὁ Θάσιος Ἐμπεδότιμός τε ὁ Συρακούσιος ἐπί τε τούτοις Σωκράτης ὁ Ἀθηναῖος μάλιστα. For further lists, see Burkert (n. 6), 147 n. 146.

96 Bremmer (n. 4 [Early Greek Concept of the Soul]), 38.

97 Burkert (n. 6), 149.

98 In Plutarch Aristeas was seen on his way to Croton instead of Cyzicus (cf. Hdt. 4.14), but this is rather a lapsus memoriae than a deviant version.

99 For the evidence, see Dowden (n. 4). Neither the editors of Iamblichus nor Diels have identified these two persons.

100 I would like to thank Tobin Auber for improving my English.