Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-4hhp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-06T17:45:48.061Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The European Introduction of Crops into West Africa in Precolonial Times

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Extract

Historians of West Africa seem generally to agree that the main benefit conferred on the region by early European visitors, particularly the Portuguese, was the introduction of new crops. These crops are said to have improved diets and accelerated population growth, to the point, some would argue, that human losses through the slave trade were more than offset by the enhanced ability to feed people. Usually a few crops are cited, and the subject is not pursued very far, even in economic history texts, though the societies under study were overwhelmingly agricultural. Usually, too, American crops are singled out—especially maize, cassava, sweet potatoes, and peanuts, but also tobacco, pineapples, guavas, and papayas. Sometimes these are the only crops credited to Europeans. That list occasionally includes tomatoes and avocados even though no evidence has been advanced that either plant was grown in West Africa before the nineteenth century. Some historians confuse origin with source, stating, for example, that the Portuguese brought citrus fruit and sugar cane from Asia when those Asian crops had long been established in the Mediterranean region. No one, it appears, has taken the trouble to examine all the printed sources for precolonial West Africa, plus relevant linguistic evidence, to try to determine which crops were introduced by Europeans, whence, where, and when.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1992

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. New plants were not the only reason food supplies increased. Europeans also introduced new species of livestock—pigs, turkeys, Muscovy ducks, geese, pigeons, cats (sometimes eaten)—and new breeds of domestic animals already present—chickens, dogs (often eaten), and larger beasts like sheep and cattle (though most of them were doomed by sleeping sickness). Four European trade goods also contributed to the rise in food ouput: iron bars that enabled African smiths to turn out considerably more farm tools than before; steel-bladed machetes that made it easier to start and maintain farm plots and kitchen gardens; firearms that helped farmers protect crops from wild animals and helped hunters bag more game; and fishhooks that boosted ocean, lagoon, and river catches.

2. Spadework has of course been done. See, e.g., Mauny, R., “Notes historiques autour des principales plantes cultivées en Afrique occidentale,” BIFAN 15B (1953):684730Google Scholar; Murdock, G. P., Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History (New York, 1959), 234–35Google Scholar; Harlan, J. R., de Wet, J. M. J., Stemler, A. B. L., eds., Origins of African Plant Domestication (The Hague, 1976), 107–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar(Shaw, T., “Early Crops in Africa: A Review of the Evidence”); 291309Google Scholar(Purseglove, J. W., “The Origins and Migrations of Crops in Tropical Africa”); 311–56Google Scholar (D. R. Harris, “Traditional Systems of Plant Food Production and the Origins of Agriculture in West Africa”).

3. See, e.g., Thomas Nicois' 1526 list of Madeira crops in Hakluyt, Richard, The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and Discoveries of the English Nation (10 vols.: London, 19271928), 4:31.Google Scholar

4. Ramusio, G. B., Navigazioni e viaggi (6 vols.: Turin, 1978), 1:505Google Scholar; Crone, G. R., The Voyages of Cadamosto (London, 1937), 42.Google Scholar

5. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1: 579, 584, 587Google Scholar; Blake, J. W., ed., Europeans in West Africa, 1450-1560 (2 vols.: London, 1942), 1:157–58, 162, 165–66Google Scholar (he mistranslates pretresemoli, parsley, as “bran seeds”); Fernandes, Valentim, Description de la côte occidentale d'Afrique (Sénégal au cap de Monte, archipels), tr. and ed. Monod, T., da Mota, A. Teixeira, and Mauny, R. (Bissau, 1951), 141.Google Scholar Grapes recur in early accounts but usually with the caveat that they did not grow easily or yield wine.

6. Ibid., 115; Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:570, 587Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1: 149, 166.Google Scholar

7. One of those rare occasions was in 1512, when Manuel I sent many Mediterranean plants to the Kongo kingdom: fig and lemon scions; peach and apricot pits; almonds, hazelnuts, and chestnuts; seeds of flax, wheat, barley, cabbages, radishes, lettuce, chick peas, fava beans, melons, gourds, cucumbers, onions, and garlic. But we do not know how they fared. Bràsio, António, ed., Monumenta missionaria africana: Africa ocidental, series 1 (14 vols.: Lisbon, 19521986), 1:250.Google Scholar

8. da Mota, A. Teixeira and Hair, P. E. H., East of Mina: Afro-European Relations on the Gold Caost in the 1550s and 1560s (Madison, 1988), 81.Google Scholar

9. de Beliefond, N. Villault, Relation des costes d'Afrique, appellées Guinée (Paris, 1669), 380Google Scholar; Bosman, W., A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1967), 549.Google Scholar There are, indeed, 35 species of the fig genus Ficus in West Africa, and 15 of them bear more or less edible fruit. Dalziel, J. M., The Useful Plants of West Tropical Africa (London, 1948), 276–84.Google ScholarLabat, J. -B., Voyage du chevalier des Marchais en Guinée (4 vols.: Paris, 1730), 2: 252.Google Scholar

10. Christaller, J. G., A Dictionary of the Asante and Fante Language Called Tshi (Chwee, Twi), (Basel, 1881), 40.Google Scholar

11. Cuoq, J. M., tr. and ed., Recueil des sources arabes concernant l'Afrique occidentale du VIIIe au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1975), 77Google Scholar (al-Muhallabi), 83 (al-Bakri), 259, 267 (al-Umari).

12. Fernandes, , Description, 115Google Scholar; Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:587Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1:166.Google Scholar

13. Pigafetta, F., A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, tr. and ed. Hutchinson, M. (London, 1881), 70Google Scholar; Villault, , Relations, 380Google Scholar; Labat, , Voyage, 2:16.Google Scholar

14. Cuoq, , Recueil, 316Google Scholar; Mauny, R., Tableau géographique de l'Ouest africain au moyen âge (Dakar, 1961), 244Google Scholar; Africanus, Leo, The History and Description of Africa, tr. Pory, J., ed. Brown, R. (3 vols.: London, 1896), 3:826Google Scholar; idem., Description de l'Afrique, tr., A. Epaulard (2 vols.: Paris, 1980), 2:471.

15. Melons (Cucumis melo) may have originated in Africa. Purseglove, , “Origins,” 294, 303.Google Scholar They should not be confused with watermelons (Citrullus lanatus or C. vulgaris), which are definitely an indigenous African crop.

16. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:570Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1:149.Google Scholar

17. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 81.Google Scholar

18. Bosman, , Description, 292, 544.Google Scholar Eric Tilleman listed pomegranates among fruits grown in the Axim fort garden in the 1690s and implied they were eaten. En liden enfoldig Beretning om det Landskab Guinea (Copenhagen, 1697).Google Scholar

19. Burokuruwa, formed from the word for European and the word for a similar local fruit, and granate, a word of obvious European derivation. Christaller, , Dictionary, 53, 150.Google Scholar

20. Saᶜid, Ibn in Cuoq, , Recueil, 209.Google Scholar

21. Garfield, R., “A History of São Tomé Island, 1470-1655” (Ph.D., Northwestern University, 1971)Google Scholar, passim; Fernandes, , Description, 183n239, 192n302.Google Scholar

22. Ibid., 115; Hair, P. E. H., “Some Minor Sources for Guinea, 1519-1559,” HA, 3 (1976):26Google Scholar; Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:577Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1:156Google Scholar; Dapper, Olfert, Description de l'Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), 486, 487, 500.Google Scholar

23. Bràsio, , Monumenta, 1:251.Google Scholar

24. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 80.Google Scholarde Marees, Pieter, Description and Historical Account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea (1602), tr. and ed. van Dantzig, Albert and Jones, Adam (London, 1987), 216.Google Scholar By 1574 sugar cane was growing in Siena Leone. Donelha, A., Descrição da Serra Leoa e dos rios de Guiné do Cabo Verde (1625), ed., da Mota, A. Teixeira, notes by Hair, P. E. H., French trans. Bourdon, L. (Lisbon, 1977), 87, 221n73.Google Scholar

25. Watts, J., A True Relation of the Inhumane…Actions…Committed on Three Englishmen in Old Calabar in Guinny (London, 1672), 12.Google Scholar

26. Christaller, , Dictionary, 439.Google Scholar

27. Quénum, M., Au pays des Fons (Paris, 1938), 171Google Scholar; Burton, R. F., Wit and Wisdom from West Africa (London, 1865), 214.Google Scholar

28. al-Zuhri, , in Cuoq, , Recueil, 117Google Scholar; Mauny, , Tableau, 244Google Scholar; Saᶜid, Ibn, in Cuoq, , Recueil, 209.Google Scholar See also Lewicki, Tadeusz, assisted by Johnson, Marion, West African Food in the Middle Ages According to Arabic Sources (London, 1974), 114–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29. Ravenstein, E. G., tr. and ed., A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499 (London, 1898), 36.Google Scholar

30. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 4:31.Google Scholar

31. Fernandes, , Description, 135Google Scholar; Pereira, Duarte Pacheco, Esmeraldo de situ orbis, tr. and ed. Kimble, G. H. T. (London, 1937), 137Google Scholar; Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:570Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1:149.Google Scholar Blake mistranslates cedri, meaning citrons in this context, as “cedars.”

32. Cuoq, , Recueil, 259Google Scholar; Mauny, , Tableau, 245Google Scholar; Lewicki, , Food, 7173.Google Scholar

33. Gomes, Diogo, De la première découverte de la Guinée, tr. and ed. Monod, T., Mauny, R., Duval, G. (Bissau, 1959), 42Google Scholar; Crone, , Voyages, 9697.Google Scholar

34. Fernandes, , Description, 55, 160n109.Google Scholar By 1574 orange, lemon, citron, and lime trees abounded on the Sierra Leone coast: Donelha, Descrição, passim.

35. Africanus, Leo, Description, 2: 476.Google ScholarPory, (History, 3: 830)Google Scholar mistranslated “melaranci” as citrons. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:383.Google Scholar

36. Ravenstein, , Journal, 34, 36.Google Scholar

37. Williamson, K., “Some Food Plant Names in the Niger Dela,” International Journal of American Linguistics, 36 (1970): 162.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In some Delta languages, she reports, the orange has the same name as the lime or is called the European lime. This suggests the lime reached the Delta earlier from the north.

38. Jones, Adam, German Sources for West African History, 1599-1669 (Wiesbaden, 1983), 322, 112n59Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 306.Google Scholar

39. Ibid.; Tindall, H. D., Fruits and Vegetables in West Africa (Rome, 1965), 158Google Scholar; Burton, , Wit and Wisdom, 207.Google Scholar

40. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 4: 297.Google Scholar

41. Jones, , German Sources, 11, 20, 42Google Scholar; Marees, , Description, 63, 86, 227.Google Scholar

42. Lawrence, A. W., Fortified Trade-Posts: The English in West Africa, 1645-1822 (London, 1969), 131.Google Scholar Lawrence thinks, rather, that the fence was Dutch-built and deteriorated quickly. The orchard near Elmina Castle that was producing figs and pomegranates in 1572 also had orange and lemon trees and “vines from Portugal which yield grapes.” This sounds very much like the precursor of the Dutch garden, but the anonymous Portuguese writer did not explicitly link the or-chard to the castle and it is conceivable that African farmers were involved. He says citrons also grew in the area. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 81, 80.Google Scholar In the 1690s Tilleman saw “a splendid garden” attached to the Dutch fort at Axim; it too may have had Portuguese antecedents. He said its fruit—including sweet oranges (“apples of China”) and limes—was “freely given away to any [European] ship…that anchors off the place.” Beretning, 56.

43. Barbot, J., A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea, in A., and Churchill, J., comps.Google Scholar, A Collection of Voyages and Travels (6 vols.: London, 1732), 5: 159.Google Scholar Barbot copied Bosman, (Description, 289)Google Scholar on the oranges' taste. (Future page references to Barbot's, Description will imply vol. 5 of Churchill/Churchill.)Google Scholar

44. Rask, J., Ferd til og frå Guinea 1708-1713 (Oslo, 1969), 45.Google Scholar

45. Smith, William, A New Voyage to Guinea (London, 1744), 126.Google Scholar

46. From a 1737 description cited in Lawrence, , Trade-Posts, 167.Google Scholar Referring to the 1740s, Römer estimated the length of the Cape Coast garden at a good 2-1/4 (English) miles and said the English employed more than one hundred slaves to keep it up. He counted six other English forts on the Gold Coast and said most of them had smaller gardens maintained by at least ten slaves each. English ship captains, he reported, could have all the vegetables they wanted for their men in return for a few ounces of seed. Römer, L. F., Le golfe de Guinée 1700-1750, tr. and ed. Dige-Hess, Mette (Paris, 1989), 50, 52, 200.Google Scholar

47. Barbot, Jean, Journal d'un voyage de traite en Guinée…en 1678-1679, eds. Debien, G., Delafosse, M., and Thilmans, G. (Dakar, 1979), 304–05.Google Scholar This may be the earliest extant account of a fort garden. In the 1690s Tilleman saw two gar-dens outside Fort Frederiksborg: Beretning, 76.

48. Rask, , Ferd, 4145.Google Scholar

49. Berbain, S., Le comptoir français de Juda (Ouidah) au XVIIIe siècle (Amsterdam, 1968), 56.Google Scholar

50. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 80Google Scholar; Müller, W. J., Die afrikanische auf der guineischen Gold Cust gelegene Landschafft Fetu, trans. in Jones, , German Sources, 228, 322.Google Scholar

51. Igba-oyibo in Yoruba, afufa oyibo in Igbo. Dalziel, , Plants, 434Google Scholar; Tindall, , Fruits, 79.Google Scholar

52. Bràsio, , Monumenta, 1: 250Google Scholar; de Rome, J.-F. (da Roma, G. F.), Brève relation de la fondation de la mission des frères mineurs capucins…au royaume du Congo, tr. and ed. Bontinck, François (Louvain, 1964), 95.Google Scholar

53. Smith, , Voyage, 165.Google Scholar

54. Norris, Robert, Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahàdee, King of Dahomy (London, 1789), 8384Google Scholar; Dalzel, A., The History of Dahomy (London, 1967), iii, v.Google Scholar Dalzel described calavances as “a kind of peas, or rather kidney-beans,” raising a little doubt that they were chick peas.

55. Adams, John, Remarks on the Country Extending from Cape Palmas to the River Congo (London, 1823), 108.Google Scholar

56. Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa (London, 1829), 59, 122Google Scholar; Yakut al-Rumi, quoting Ibn al-Fakih, in Cuoq, Recueil, 184-85. See also Lewicki, , Food, 5657.Google Scholar The sixteenth-century Spanish author Marmol mentioned “Chiches” (chick peas) being grown in the Niger river area, but his geography is questionable. Harris, J., ed., Navigantum at que itinerantium bibliotheca (2 vols.: London, 1705), 1:352.Google Scholar

57. al-ᶜUmari, , in Cuoq, , Recueil, 259, 267.Google Scholar

58. Fernandes, , Description, 141.Google Scholar Da Roma saw both onions and garlic in Kongo but they were very rare, always small and hard to keep alive. Brève relation, 95.

59. Finch, W. in Purchas, Samuel, Hakluylus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes (20 vols.: Glasgow, 19051907), 4:9Google Scholar; Jobson, Richard, The Golden Trade (Teignmouth, 1904), 172Google Scholar; Barbot, , Description, 199.Google Scholar

60. Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 162, 166Google Scholar; Jones, , German Sources, 322.Google Scholar

61. Dalziel, , Plants, 484.Google Scholar

62. Ibid., 485.

63. Labarthe, Pierre, Voyage à la côte de Guinée (Paris, 1803), 273Google Scholar; Landolphe, J. F., Mémoires du capitaine Landolphe, ed. Quesné, J. S. (2 vols.: Paris, 1823), 2:359Google Scholar; Meredith, Henry, An Account of the Gold Coast of Africa (London, 1812), 25Google Scholar; Hutten, William, A Voyage to Africa (London, 1821), 203Google Scholar; Clapperton, , Journal, 12, 57Google Scholar: Duncan, John, Travels in Western Africa in 1845 & 1846 (2 vols.: London, 1847), 1: 122, 297.Google Scholar

64. al-Idrisi, , in Mauny, , Tableau, 245Google Scholar; Cuoq, , Recueil, 132Google Scholar; al-ᶜUmari, , in Mauny, , Tableau, 245Google Scholar; Cuoq, , Recueil, 267.Google Scholar

65. Clapperton, (Journal, 341)Google Scholar recorded a Yoruba word for shallots, allabous'sa, that seems to be of Arabic origin. See also Harris, D. R., “Traditional Systems,” 343Google Scholar; Tindall, , Fruits, 79.Google Scholar

66. Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 162–63, 166Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 485.Google Scholar

67. Burton, Richard F., Abeokuta and the Camaroons Mountains (2 vols.: London, 1863), 1:133Google Scholar; idem., A Mission to Gelele, King of Dahome, ed. C. W. Newbury (New York, 1966), 328; Tindall, , Fruits, 112.Google Scholar

68. Müller, in Jones, , German Sources, 228Google Scholar; Bosman, , Description, 301Google Scholar; Rask, , Ferd, 65Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 516–17.Google Scholar

69. Cuoq, , Recueil, 83.Google Scholar

70. Africanus, Leo, History, 1:174Google Scholar; idem., Description, 2: 471. Marmol put them in his Niger river area. Harris, , Navigantum, 1:352.Google Scholar

71. Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 70.Google Scholar They could have descended from the seeds sent by Manuel I in 1512. Bràsio, , Monumenta, 1:250.Google Scholar

72. Dapper, , Description, 500.Google Scholar

73. Smith, , Voyage, 126.Google Scholar

74. Anthonio, H. O. and Isoun, M., Nigerian Cookbook (London, 1982), 136.Google Scholar

75. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East ofMina, 81.Google Scholar

76. Villault, , Relations, 380.Google Scholar

77. Barbot, , Journal, 319.Google Scholar

78. Bosman, , Description, 394Google Scholar, as corrected by van Dantzig, A., “English Bosman and Dutch Bosman: A Comparison of Texts,” HA, 9 (1982): 291.Google Scholar

79. Smith, , Voyage, 126–27.Google Scholar

80. Rask, , Ferd, 45.Google Scholar In 1512, as noted above (note 7), Manuel I sent various seeds to Kongo: Bràsio, , Monumenta, 250.Google Scholar

81. Rask, , Ferd, 45.Google ScholarLawrence, , Trade-Posts, 29.Google Scholar Lopes sighted cauliflower in Kongo: Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 70.Google Scholar In 1686 M. Jajolet de La Courbe saw cauliflower in the garden of a small English fort on the Gambia river. He also noted cabbage, sweet potatoes, cassava, and pineapple. Cultru, Pierre, Premier voyage du sieur de La Courbe (Paris, 1913), 199.Google Scholar

82. Cuoq, , Recueil, 267, 259n2Google Scholar; Lewicki, , Food, 61, 62.Google Scholar

83. Shaw, , “Early Crops,” 128–29.Google Scholar Mauny says taro was grown in ancient Egypt, but Burkill and Coursey think it reached the eastern Mediterranean around the first century Mauny, B. C., Tableau, 247Google Scholar; Burkill, I. H., “The Contact of the Portuguese with African Food-Plants,” Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London, 150 (1938): 84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coursey, D. G., Yams (London, 1967), 13.Google Scholar

84. Fernandes, , Description, 134–35, 188-90n294.Google Scholar This explanation does not jibe with the belief of some lexicographers that the word banana originated in Upper Guinea.

85. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1: 584Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1: 163.Google Scholar Blake suggested abellana might be dates. Nicols tells us bananas were being grown on Gran Canaria by 1526. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 4: 31.Google Scholar He used the word “Plantano,” but his description leaves little doubt that bananas were meant. He indicates they were already a major crop, as they are in the Canaries to this day. It seems likely that the Spaniards obtained the plant from the Arab world since their access to it in sub-Saharan Africa was limited.

86. Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 68.Google Scholar

87. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 81.Google Scholar Two years later bananas were seen in Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau. Donelha, , Descrição, 75, 193n12, 351.Google Scholar

88. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 4:297.Google Scholar A bit earlier an English visitor to Sierra Leone saw “plantens” containing “a certayn mello pyth very delyciows and sweet.” Donno, E. S., An Elizabethan in 1582: The Diary of Richard Madox (London, 1976), 176.Google Scholar

89. Marees, , Description, 162–63, 166Google Scholar (caption to plate 14). “Lust” is my translation of “luxurie,” a word Marees' translators have some trouble with. They believe both fruits were varieties of bananas since there was no suggestion that ei-ther was cooked, but not long after Marees, Brun reported that Gold Coasters roasted “brody,” which most probably were plantains. Samuel Brun, des Wundartzet und Burgers zu Base!, Schiffarten, tr. in Jones, , German Sources, 85, 320.Google Scholar

90. Ibid., 226. Use of bachoven and its variants for the banana is itself significant. This was the Dutch version of pakoba or pakova, a word used for the banana in Brazil by the late sixteenth century. The Portuguese had seen fit to transplant the fruit to the New World; it would have been natural for them to take it to the nearer shores of West Africa if, in fact, it was lacking there.

91. Ibid., 85, 320; Christaller, , Dictionary, 40Google Scholar; Rattray, R. S., Ashanti Proverbs (Oxford, 1916), 98.Google Scholar Presumably the allusion is to the use of plantains as a substitute for yams in such basic dishes as fufu.

92. Dalziel, , Plants, 468.Google Scholar

93. Portères, R., “African Cereals,” in Harlan, /de Wet, /Stemler, , Origins, 445.Google Scholar

94. Mauny, , Tableau, 242.Google Scholar

95. al-Idrisi, in Cuoq, , Recueil, 136Google Scholar; al-Kazwini in ibid., 200; al-Umari in ibid., 259, 266; Ibn Battuta in ibid., 298, 301, 316. See also Lewicki, , Food, 34.Google Scholar

96. Donelha, , Descrição, 81, 211n48.Google Scholar Donelha's comment reminds us that the Moors took Asian rice to Spain; conceivably it should be listed as a Mediterranean crop, but there is no indication it reached Guinea from that direction.

97. Donno, , Diary, 182, 193, 312, 315, 318.Google Scholar

98. Barbot, , Description, 197.Google Scholar

99. Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 162.Google Scholar

100. Dalziel, , Plants, 533.Google Scholar

101. Burkill, , “Contact,” 93, 95.Google Scholar

102. Alagoa, E. J., “The Niger Delta States and Their Neighbours, to 1800” in Ajayi, J. F. A. and Crowder, M., eds., History of West Africa, I (London, 1976), 354Google Scholar; Bradbury, R. E., The Benin Kingdom (London, 1957), 23Google Scholar; Basden, G. T., Niger Ibos (London, 1921), 393CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ojo, G. J. A., Yoruba Culture (London, 1966), 54.Google Scholar

103. Ravenstein, , Journal, 27Google Scholar; Correa, G., The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, tr. Stanley, H. E. J. (London, 1869), 84, 85, 130, 144.Google Scholar

104. Egharevba, Jacob U., A Short History of Benin (3d ed.: Ibadan, 1960), 27.Google Scholar Dapper was told they grew at Warri, : Description, 314.Google Scholar

105. Hair, , “Minor Sources,” 34.Google Scholar Donelha implied that coconuts grew in Upper Guinea by 1574. Descrição, 87, 223n82.

106. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1:570, 584Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1: 162.Google Scholar Drake saw coconuts in the Cape Verdes in 1578 on his circumnavigation of the earth. His chronicler described them because the fruit was “not commonly knowne with us in England.” Purchas, , Hakluytus, 2: 122–23.Google Scholar

107. Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 68.Google Scholar Soon afterward coconuts were signaled at Cape Lopez, Gabon: Marees, , Description, 239.Google Scholar

108. Hemmersam, Michael in Jones, , German Sources, 124.Google Scholar

109. Tilleman, , Beretning, 56Google Scholar; Barbot, , Description, 159Google Scholar; Smith, , Voyage, 126Google Scholar; Lawrence, , Trade-Posts, 30.Google Scholar See also Bosman, , Description, 288–89.Google Scholar

110. Christaller, , Dictionary, 239Google Scholar; Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 162.Google Scholar

111. Dalziel, , Plants, 497–98.Google Scholar

112. Purseglove, , “Origins,” 295Google Scholar; Harris, D. R., “Traditional,” 331Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 340.Google Scholar

113. Monod, T., “Un catalogue des plantes de Richard-Toll (Sénégal) en 1824,” BIFAN 13B (1951): 1294.Google Scholar

114. Reindorf, C. C., The History of the Gold Coast and Asante (2d. ed.: Accra, 1966), 261Google Scholar; Dickson, K. B., A Historical Geography of Ghana (Cambridge, 1969), 124.Google Scholar

115. Burton, , Mission, 93, 328Google Scholar; idem., Abeokuta, 1:133.

116. Ibid., 1: 171; idem.. Mission, 92 (“hardly eatable,” he pronounced); Shaw, , “Early Crops,” 132Google Scholar; Anthonio, /Isoun, , Cookbook, 25.Google Scholar

117. Christaller, , Dictionary, 296Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 340.Google Scholar

118. Murdock, , Africa, 208.Google Scholar

119. Bowen, T. J., Adventures and Missionary Labours in Several Countries in the Interior of Africa from 1849 to 1856 (2d ed.: London, 1968), 52.Google Scholar See also Burton, R. F., Wanderings in West Africa (2 vols.: London, 1863), 2: 223.Google Scholar

120. Christaller, , Dictionary, 40.Google Scholar The Gã and Ewe use the same metaphor: Dalziel, , Plants, 208.Google Scholar

121. Church, R. J. H., West Africa: A Study of the Environment and of Man's Use of It (8th ed.: London, 1980), 101.Google Scholar

122. Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 11.Google Scholar See also Dapper, , Description, 491Google Scholar; Garfield, , “History,” 135–36, 194–95, 235.Google Scholar

123. Pyrard, F., Voyage de François Pyrard, de Laval (Paris, 1679), part 2: 142.Google Scholar See also Marees, , Description, 18, 160.Google Scholar

124. Ibid., 158 (plate 13); also 159-60.

125. Bosman, , Description, 393.Google Scholar See also Van Dantzig, A., tr. and ed., The Dutch and the Guinea Coast, 1674-1742 (Accra, 1978), 208Google Scholar; Isert, P. E., Voyages en Guinée, ed., Gayibor, N. (Paris, 1989), 121.Google Scholar

126. Burton, , Abeokuta, 1: 133.Google Scholar

127. Anthonio, /Isoun, , Cookbook, 18Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 474Google Scholar; Church, , West Africa, 101Google Scholar; Buchanan, K. M. and Pugh, J. C., Land and People in Nigeria (London, 1955), 148–49.Google Scholar

128. Oettinger, J. P. in Jones, A., Brandenburg Sources for West African History, 1680-1700 (Stuttgart, 1985), 197.Google Scholar See also Garfield, , “History,” 231.Google Scholar Oettinger also saw cinchona and nutmeg trees, the former South American, the latter Asian in origin. Cinchona was tested in Senegal in the 1820s. Richard, C., “Catalogue des plantes cultivées au Sénégal dans le jardin du gouvernement,” Annales Martimes et Coloniales (1828/1821), 2d part, 445.Google Scholar Nutmeg had been sighted in Kongo ca. 1619. Bontinck, F., tr. and ed., Histoire du royaume du Congo (c. 1624), (Louvain, 1972), 78.Google Scholar Römer said he saw nutmeg growing on the Gold Coast. Golfe, 144. But these reports may have confused the Asian spice, Myristica fragrans, with one of two species of African nutmeg, Pycnanthus kombo and Monodora myristica, the latter now used in Nigerian cooking. Anthonio, /Isoun, , Cookbook, 17Google Scholar; Labarthe, , Voyage, 167.Google Scholar

129. Bosman, , Description, 303.Google Scholar

130. Smith, , Voyage, 126, 162.Google Scholar

131. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 81Google Scholar; Römer, , Golfe, 144.Google Scholar Loyer saw “fruits” with the “taste and odor of clove, others of cinnamon,” at Assini (1701-03), which might be helpful if cloves weren't flower buds and cinnamon wasn't made from bark. Loyer, G., “Relation du voyage du royaume d'Issyny” in Roussier, P., l'établissement d'Issyny, 1687-1702 (Paris, 1935), 192.Google Scholar

132. Christaller, , Dictionary, 373Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 68.Google Scholar

133. Bosman, , Description, 305.Google Scholar

134. Dantzig, , Dutch, 208.Google Scholar

135. Burton, , Mission, 103.Google Scholar

136. Kingsley, Mary H., Travels in West Africa (5th ed.: London, 1982), 643.Google Scholar

137. Purseglove, , “Origins,” 306Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 473.Google Scholar

138. Anthonio, /Isoun, , Cookbook, 18.Google Scholar

139. Lawrence, , Trade-Posts, 30.Google Scholar

140. Bosman, , Description, 552 (ed. note)Google Scholar; Burton, , Mission, 170.Google Scholar

141. Pigafetta, , Kingdom, 70.Google Scholar

142. Dapper, , Description, 487.Google Scholar

143. Donnan, Elizabeth, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade in America (4 vols.: Washington, 19311935), 1: 141.Google Scholar (I use the name Ardra for the port, Allada for the country.)

144. Bosman, , Description, 393.Google Scholar

145. Rask, , Ferd, 46, 158–59Google Scholar; Smith, , Voyage, 126Google Scholar; Monrad, H. C., Bidrag til en Skildring af Guinea-Kysten og dens Indbyggere (Copenhagen, 1822)Google Scholar, French translation in Walckenaer, C. A., Histoire générale des voyages (21 vols.: Paris, 18261831), 12: 479.Google Scholar

146. Dalziel, , Plants, 200Google Scholar; Christaller, , Dictionary, 40.Google Scholar

147. Dalziel, , Plants, 200Google Scholar; see also Lewicki, , Food, 67.Google Scholar

148. Church, , West Africa, 120.Google Scholar

149. Dalziel, , Plants, 233.Google Scholar

150. Church, , West Africa, 117Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 127.Google Scholar

151. Jeffreys, , “Pre-Columbian Maize in Africa,” Nature, 172 (1953): 965–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., “How Ancient Is West African Maize?” Africa 33 (1963): 115-31; idem., “Maize and the Mande Myth,” Current Anthropology 12 (1971): 291-320.

152. Stanton, W. R. and Willett, F., “Archaeological Evidence for Changes in Maize Type in West Africa,” Man 63 (1963): 117–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

153. Portères, , “L'Introduction du maïs en Afrique,” Journal de l'Agriculture Tropicale et Botanique Appliquée, 2 (1955): 221–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., “Les appellations des céréales en Afrique,” Journal de l'Agriculture Tropicale et Botanique Appliquée 6 (1959): 84-104.

154. Pacheco, , Esmeraldo, 86, 92, 94, 99Google Scholar; Fernandes, , Description, 14, 48, 54, 94, 114.Google Scholar

155. Ibid., 137. Fernandes' editors translate milho zaburro as “sorghum.”

156. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1: 571Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1: 149.Google Scholar

157. Mauny, , Tableau, 240–42.Google Scholar Mauny later abandoned his theory and opted for millet as the grain sown on Sâo Tomé in 1502: Jeffreys, , “Maize,” 309.Google Scholar

158. Portères, , “Appellations,” 100–02.Google Scholar

159. da Mota, A. Teixeira and Carreira, A., “Milho Zaburro and Milho Maçaroca in Guinea,” Africa 36 (1966): 7778.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

160. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 4:6364.Google Scholar The first clear Portuguese reference to maize on the Gold Coast may date to 1572. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 81.Google Scholar

161. Marees, , Description, 113.Google Scholar

162. Müller, in Jones, , German Sources, 207–09; 220Google Scholar; Villault, , Relation, 245–46, 382–83.Google Scholar

163. Phillips, Thomas, “A Journal of a Voyage Made in the Hannibal of London, Ann. 1693, 1694” in Churchill, /Churchill, , Collection, 6: 221–22Google Scholar; Bosman, , Description, 391.Google Scholar

164. Jones, W. O., Manioc in Africa (Palo Alto, 1959), 62.Google Scholar The earliest indirect reference to cassava in Africa may be that by the botanist C. Clusius, who wrote in 1605 that oil palm fruit (presumably he meant the oil), “after addition of some flour of a certain root,” was used by the Portuguese from São Tomé to feed slaves on the Middle Passage: quoted by Hartley, C. W. S. in The Oil Palm (London, 1969), 3.Google Scholar

165. Brun, in Jones, , German Sources, 47.Google Scholar Farther south at Mpinda resident Portuguese were growing cassava by 1617/23: Bontinck, , Histoire, 82.Google Scholar See also Hilton, Anne, The Kingdom of Kongo (Oxford, 1985), 79.Google Scholar

166. Cuvelier, Jean and Jadin, Louis, L'ancien Congo d'après les archives romaines (1518-1640) (Brussels, 1954), 91.Google Scholar

167. Dapper, , Description, 314, 491.Google Scholar Dapper also said cassava was grown in Angola: ibid., 361, 363, 364. The Portuguese word is mandioca.

168. Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 162, 164Google Scholar; Alagoa, , “Niger Delta,” 357.Google Scholar

169. Jones has found a 1683 Dutch reference to “carsauen” as a local bread on the Gold Coast but cites an English document of 1706 as “the earliest clear reference” he has discovered “to the cultivation of cassava in this region.” Jones, , Brandenburg Sources, 76n6, 252.Google Scholar Rask attested that cassava was being commonly grown in the Accra area in 1709/12 and its root made into flour for bread. Rask, , Ferd, 159–60Google Scholar; Dalzel, , History, iii.Google Scholar

170. The first known as Bambara groundnuts or earth peas, the second as Kersting's groundnuts.

171. da Montecuccolo, G. A. Cavazzi, Istorica descrittione de' tre regni Congo, Matamba, et Angola (2d ed.: Milan, , 1690), 22.Google Scholar For the timing of Cavazzi's material see Thornton, J. K., “New Light on Cavazzi's Seventeenth-Century Description of Kongo,” HA 6 (1979): 260.Google Scholar

172. Bosman, , Description, 301.Google Scholar The other two “Beans” appear to have been Bambara groundnuts and tiger nuts. Ibid. See also Loyer, in Roussier, , Etablissement, 193.Google Scholar

173. In 1959 Murdock exploded a bombshell, as he put it, by suggesting that the sweet potato, though botanically a New World plant, may have reached Africa first from the east as part of his “Malaysian complex.” He pointed to evidence that it diffused westward from South America as far as New Guinea and that it is closely associated with southeast Asian plants in parts of East and Central Africa. Murdock, , Africa, 223–25.Google Scholar The bombshell proved a dud; the idea has not been accepted by the geobotanical community.

174. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1: 582Google Scholar; Blake, , Europeans, 1: 160–61.Google Scholar

175. A Portuguese document of 1572 clearly implies that Gold Coasters were raising sweet potatoes. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 76.Google Scholar In 1574 the tuber was reported in Guinea-Bissau. Donelha, , Descrição, 351.Google Scholar The earliest sighting in Kongo may be by da Roma (1640s), though that seems very late. Brève relation, 96.

176. Marees, , Description, 63, 164, 166Google Scholar (plate 14).

177. Labarthe, , Voyage, 90.Google Scholar

178. Dalziel, , Plants, 436–37.Google Scholar

179. Marees, , Description, 227Google Scholar; Ulsheimer, A. J. in Jones, , German Sources, 42Google Scholar; Dapper, , Description, 304.Google Scholar

180. Bosman, , Description, 393.Google Scholar

181. Reindorf, , History, 261.Google Scholar

182. Purseglove, , “Origins,” 296.Google Scholar

183. Manuel I sent fava seeds to Kongo in 1512. Bràsio, , Monumenta, 1: 250.Google Scholar No doubt fava reached West Africa from the north too: Lewicki, , Food, 5556.Google Scholar Ca' da Mosto saw both “fava” and “fasoli” in Senegal; the latter would now translate as P. vulgaris, but may have been applied to an indigenous crop such as cowpeas. Ramusio, , Navigazioni, 1: 505Google Scholar; Crone, , Voyages, 42.Google Scholar Pacheco saw “feyxões” in Senegal; Fernandes was told they grew in Gambia and Sierra Leone as well. Pereira, Pacheco, Esmeraldo, Fr. tr. and ed. Mauny, R. (Bissau, 1956), 60Google Scholar; Fernandes, , Description, 14, 48, 54, 94.Google ScholarFeyxões would seem to equate with Ca' da Mosto's fasoli, but Manuel sent seeds of “feygoes” as well as fava. In this case they were probably a form of V. faba. Eventually the Portuguese would use the word feijãos and the Italians fagioli primarily for New World beans. In 1574 “feijões” were seen in Guinea-Bissau. Donelha, , Descrição, 351.Google Scholar Perhaps by then they meant vulgaris. French references are also ambiguous: in general Old World beans are fèves and New World beans haricots, but exceptions vitiate the distinction.

184. Marees, , Description, 42.Google Scholar See also Villault, , Relation, 382.Google Scholar

185. De Rome, , Brève relation, 96.Google Scholar

186. Müller, in Jones, , German Sources, 228.Google Scholar

187. Phillips, in Churchill, /Churchill, , Collection, 6: 232.Google Scholar

188. Mauny, , Tableau, 243Google Scholar; Purseglove, , “Origins,” 301Google Scholar; Church, , West Africa, 117.Google Scholar

189. De Rome, , Brève relation, 96.Google Scholar

190. Harris, , “Traditional,” 332, 343.Google Scholar

191. Hemmersam, in Jones, , German Sources, 112.Google Scholar

192. Donnan, , Documents, 1: 220, 221.Google Scholar In 1686 a Gambian princess served La Courbe chicken and rice spiced “with a lot of piment, which is a species of red and green fruit, shaped like a little cucumber and tasting like pepper.” Cultru, , Voyage, 196.Google Scholar

193. Bosman, , Description, 305, 547.Google Scholar

194. Borofo-mako in Twi (Christaller, , Dictionary, 40Google Scholar) and oso oyibo in Onitsha Igbo (Dalziel, , Plants, 427).Google Scholar

195. Kingsley, , Travels, 643.Google Scholar

196. Said to be the only crop of the same species common to the Old and New Worlds before Columbus.

197. Fernandes, , Description, 140Google Scholar; Bràsio, , Monumenta, 1: 250.Google Scholar

198. The Italian word used by Ramusio was zucche, which could mean either pumpkins or gourds. Navigazioni, 1: 587.Google Scholar Blake translated it as pumpkins. Europeans, 1: 166.Google Scholar

199. Hakluyt, , Navigations, 7: 13, 15.Google Scholar

200. Finch, in Purchas, , Hakluytus, 4: 4Google Scholar; Jobson, , Golden Trade, 169.Google Scholar

201. da Mota, Teixeira/Hair, , East of Mina, 8081.Google Scholar He used the word abobaras, but his description points to pumpkins rather than gourds.

202. Barbot, , Description, 269.Google Scholar

203. Loyer, in Roussier, , Etablissement, 193Google Scholar; Landolphe, , Mémoires, 1: 319Google Scholar; Labarthe, , Voyage, 154.Google Scholar

204. Smith, , Voyage, 127Google Scholar; Adams, , Remarks, 78.Google Scholar

205. Church, , West Africa, 117Google Scholar; Murdock, , Africa, 245.Google Scholar

206. Ibid., 254; see also ibid., 246.

207. Mauny, Raymond, Les siècles obscurs de l'Afrique noire (Paris, 1970), 235Google Scholar; Murdock, , Africa, 254.Google Scholar

208. Massing, Anders, The Economic Anthropology of the Kru (Wiesbaden, 1980), 90.Google Scholar The first appearance of the tomato in West Africa may have been in a “jardin de naturalisation” created and run by a French government nurseryman, C. Richard, in Senegal from 1816 to 1827. Monod, , “Catalogue,” 1285Google Scholar; Richard, , “Catalogue,” 442.Google Scholar

209. Duncan, , Travels, 1: 122Google Scholar; Burton, , Wanderings, 2: 145.Google Scholar

210. Dalziel, , Plants, 430.Google Scholar

211. Marees, , Description, 163, 166 (plate 14), 216, 246.Google Scholar

212. Ulsheimer, in Jones, , German Sources, 42Google Scholar; Brun in ibid., 53.

213. Müller in ibid., 230-31.

214. Bosman, , Description, 301–04.Google Scholar His contemporary Tilleman saw “Anassa” in the Axim fort garden: Beretning, 56.

215. Marees, , Description, 246Google Scholar; Barbot, , Journal, 341Google Scholar; Christaller, , Dictionary, 39Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 467Google Scholar; Burton, , Abeokuta, 1: 133.Google Scholar

216. Ligon, R., A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (2d ed.: London, 1976), 14.Google Scholar

217. Barbot, , Journal, 319, 351.Google Scholar

218. Bosman, , Description, 290–91Google Scholar; Loyer, in Roussier, , Etablissement, 191, 194Google Scholar; Rask, , Ferd, 65Google Scholar; Atkins, John, A Voyage to Guinea (London, 1735), 100Google Scholar; Smith, , Voyage, 126, 160–61.Google Scholar

219. Adams, , Remarks, 88Google Scholar; Burton, , Mission, 328Google Scholar; idem., Abeokuta, 1: 133.

220. Christaller, , Dictionary, 40Google Scholar; Rattray, , Proverbs, 182Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 52, 57.Google Scholar

221. Ibid., 52. Yevu-diba in Ewe, ogede-oyibo, okwuro-beke in Igbo.

222. Ligon, , Barbadoes, 11, 14.Google Scholar

223. Cavazzi, , Istorica, 28Google Scholar; Dapper, , Description, 361, 363.Google Scholar

224. Cultru, , Voyage, 214Google Scholar; Barbot, , Description, 466.Google Scholar

225. Smith, , Voyage, 126, 160.Google Scholar

226. Dalzel, , History, ivGoogle Scholar; Labarthe, , Voyage, 158Google Scholar; Adams, , Remarks, 88Google Scholar; Landolphe, , Mémoires, 1: 315.Google Scholar

227. Dalziel, , Plants, 69.Google Scholar

228. Reindorf, , History, 261.Google Scholar See also Bowen, , Adventures, 52.Google Scholar The West African debut of the avocado may have been in the French nursery in Senegal between 1816 and 1827: Monod, , “Catalogue,” 1283.Google Scholar

229. Church, , West Africa, 101Google Scholar; Boateng, E. A., A Geography of Ghana (Cambridge, 1960), 62, 68Google Scholar; Bradbury, , Benin Kingdom, 24.Google Scholar

230. Dapper, , Description, 491.Google Scholar

231. da Sorrento, Girolamo Merolla, Breve, e succinta relatione del viaggio nel regno di Congo (Naples, 1692)Google Scholar, cited in Hirschberg, W., ed., Monumenta Ethnographica, I, Schwarzafrika (Graz, 1962), 197.Google Scholar

232. Tilleman, , Beretning, 56Google Scholar; Monrad, in Walckenaer, , Histoire, 12: 479Google Scholar; Duncan, , Travels, 1: 86Google Scholar; Cruickshank, Brodie, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast of Africa (2 vols.: London, 1853), 2: 272.Google Scholar

233. Adanson, Michel, Histoire naturelle du Sénégal (Paris, 1757), 91.Google Scholar

234. Labarthe, , Voyage, 158.Google Scholar

235. Clapperton, , Journal, 148.Google Scholar

236. Skertchly, J. A., Dahomey as It Is (London, 1874), 492.Google Scholar See also Forbes, F. E., Dahomey and the Dahomans (2 vols.: London, 1851), 1: 230CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burton, , Mission, 328.Google Scholar

237. Dickson, , Geography, 124–25Google Scholar; Reindorf, , History, 261Google Scholar; Murdock, , Africa, 235.Google Scholar

238. Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 2: 273Google Scholar; Freeman, T. B., Journal of Various Visits to the Kingdoms of Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi (3d ed.: London, 1968), xxvii.Google Scholar See also Bowen, , Adventures, 49.Google Scholar

239. For the passion fruit see ibid., 52 (Bowen called it the granadilla); Purseglove, , “Origins,” 307Google Scholar; Tindall, , Fruits, 176.Google Scholar For the soursop see Dapper, , Description, 363Google Scholar; Hutton, , Voyage, 54, 60, 150Google Scholar; Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 2: 272Google Scholar; Bowen, , Adventures, 52Google Scholar; Kingsley, , Travels, 38Google Scholar; Tindall, , Fruits, 157.Google Scholar For the sweetsop see Ligon, , Barbadoes, 11, 14Google Scholar; Hutton, , Voyage, 150Google Scholar; Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 2: 272Google Scholar; Bowen, , Adventures, 52Google Scholar; Tindall, , Fruits, 157.Google Scholar For the physic nut see Freeman, , Journal, 58Google Scholar; Burton, R. F. and Cameron, V. L., To the Gold Coast for Gold (2 vols.: London, 1883), 2: 140Google Scholar; Dalziel, , Plants, 147–48.Google Scholar For the prickly-pear cactus see Ligon, , Barbadoes, 11, 14Google Scholar; Duncan, , Travels, 1: 86Google Scholar; Burton, , Wanderings, 2: 140Google Scholar; Claridge, W. W., A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti (2 vols.: London, 1915), 1: 100Google Scholar; Lawrence, , Trade-Posts, 30.Google Scholar

240. For the first five plants see Tindall, , Fruits, 175–76.Google Scholar For the hog plum see Dalziel, , Plants, 341.Google Scholar

241. Mauny, , Tableau, 59Google Scholar; Ozanne, P., “The Diffusion of Smoking in West Africa,” Odù n.s. 2 (1969): 3437.Google Scholar

242. Agbo, Casimir, Histoire de Ouidah du XVIe au XXe siècle (Avignon, 1959), 18.Google Scholar

243. Marees, , Description, 11, 18.Google Scholar

244. Purchas, , Hakluytus, 4: 34.Google Scholar

245. Brun, in Jones, , German Sources, 61, 61n97.Google Scholar

246. Ruiters, Dierick, Toortse der Zee-Vaert, cited in Ozanne, , “Diffusion,” 34, 41.Google Scholar

247. Hemmersam, in Jones, , German Sources, 117.Google Scholar On the basis of archeological evidence, Ozanne postulated the introduction of tobacco use on the Gold Coast in the Accra area to ca. 1640, but he seemed to be unaware of Hemmersam's testimony.

248. Verger, Pierre, Trade Relations Between the Bight of Benin and Bahia (Ibadan, 1976), 12, 24.Google Scholar

249. Ozanne, , “Diffusion,” 38.Google Scholar

250. Philips, J. E., “African Smoking and Pipes,” JAH 24 (1983): 308, 317–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

251. Williamson, , “Plant Names,” 161.Google Scholar See also Dalziel, , Plants, 128.Google Scholar

252. Ojo, , Yoruba, 55.Google Scholar

253. Dalziel, , Plants, 471.Google Scholar

254. Ibid. Oburo or obro in Yoruba, opolo in Igbo.

255. D. R., ” in Marees, , Description, 229.Google Scholar

256. Dapper, , Description, 309.Google Scholar Cotton also qualifies as a crop brought from the Americas to West Africa since certain New World varieties have been added by Europeans to the local inventory. Buchanan, /Pugh, , Land and People, 144Google Scholar; Church, , West Africa, 94, 119.Google Scholar

257. To cite an extreme (and rhetorical) example, Walter Rodney lists exactly two: maize and cassava: Rodney, , How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London, 1983), 111.Google Scholar