^{page 372 note 1} Zévaès, A., Jaurés, Paris 1951, p. 58.Google Scholar Jules Guesde, the chief Marxist in France and leader of the Parti ouvrier français, mixed enthusiasm with considerable reserve in writing of this selection: “We count on citizen Jaurès to justify the hopes of the ex-strikers of Carmaux and to go to the Palais-Bourbon… in accord with our program.” Socialiste, Le, December 11, 1892.Google Scholar There was still doubt as to the socialist sincerity of Jaurès.

^{page 372 note 2} The other two would certainly be Guesde, Jules, who founded the Marxist Parti ouvrier français in 1880Google Scholar, and Vaillant, Edouard, who founded the Blanquist Comité révolutionnaire central in 1881.Google ScholarJaurés, Jean-Louis-Marie was born in Castres, Departement of the Tarn, on September 3, 1859Google Scholar, and was assassinated in Paris on the eve of war, July 31, 1914. In his crowded lifetime he was philosopher, historian, deputy, socialist leader, founder and editor of L'Humanité. The best biography is the latest: Auclair, Marcelle, La Vie de Jean Jaurés (Paris, 1954). Also useful are Zévaés, op. cit.Google Scholar, and Rappoport, Charles, Jean Jaurés (Paris, 1915).

^{page 373 note 1} La Petite République, January 7, 1893.

^{page 373 note 2} For a discussion of the popular myth see Goldberg, Harvey, “The Myth of the French Peasant,” in The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. XIII (July, 1954), 363–379.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 373 note 3} La Dépêche de Toulouse, January 18, 1893.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 4} Quoted by Zévaés, , op. cit., 59.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 5} Vandervelde, E., Souvenirs d'un militant (Paris, 1939), 160.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 6} A letter of August 23, 1889, quoted by Zévaès, , op. cit., 23.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 1} La Dépêche de Toulouse, September 9, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 2} Pignatel, Fernand, in Pignatel, F., ed., Jaurés par ses contemporains (Paris, 1925), 8.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 3} There was throughout the nineteenth century, and there exists even today, the strong influence in rural areas of the clergy and of landed notables. They have acted as bulwarks against social change. See the discussion of their role in Fauve, J., “Les paysans” in Duverger, , ed., Partis politiques et classes sociales (Paris, 1955), 174–177.Google Scholar See also Fried-Mann, G., ed., Villes et Campagnes (Paris, 1955Google Scholar), chap. ix.

^{page 374 note 4} Auclair, , op. cit., 324–326.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 5} The 1892 Inquiry into agricultural statistics revealed the following data on the Department of the Tarn: (a) of the 50,305 farm persons, 34,132 were listed as proprietors when 12,772 tenants, sharecroppers, and day labourers, who owned insignificant holdings, were included; 16,173 were listed as completely without land; (b) there was sharp inequality in the size of holdings: 29,566 cultivators had holdings of less than one hectare, totaling 17,600 hectares; at the other end, only 1444 cultivators had very large holdings, covering 203,600 hectares. Conditions of this sort in the Tarn provided, of course, the most direct data for Jaurés. The statistics cited can be found in, Ministére de l'Agricole, Statistique agricole de la France, Resultats généraux de l'enquête décennale de 1892 (Paris, 1897).Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 1} Augé-Laribé, M., L'Évolution de la France agricole (Paris, 1912), 174.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 2} Golob, E., The Méline Tariff. French Agriculture and Nationalist Economic Policy (New York, 1944), 62–63.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 3} Augé-Laribé, M., Le Probléme agraire du socialisme (Paris, 1907), 89.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 4} Ibid., 91.

^{page 375 note 5} La Dépêche de Toulouse, February 5, 1887.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 6} Loc. cit.

^{page 376 note 1} Loc. cit.

^{page 376 note 2} Loc. cit., January 20, 1887.

^{page 376 note 3} Jaurès, Jean, Discours parlementaires (Paris, 1904), 654.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 4} Ibid., 655.

^{page 377 note 1} Loc. cit.

^{page 377 note 2} In the 1892 statistical survey the number of proprietors, even counting those non-owners who possessed merely a tiny patch, came to 50.83 per cent of the rural population. Taking away those non-owners, one arrives essentially at the one-third figure suggested by Jaurès. These data are cited by Goldberg, , op. cit., 371.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 3} Jaurès, , op. cit., 657.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 4} Forster, E. M., Two Cheers for Democracy (New York, 1951), 70.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 5} See, for example, La Dépêche de Toulouse, June 18, September 3 and 10, 1887.Google Scholar

^{page 377 note 6} Loc. cit., April 8 and August 5, 1888.

^{page 377 note 7} Loc. cit., July 7, 1889.

^{page 377 note 8} Loc. cit.

^{page 378 note 1} Loc. cit., January 22, 1891.

^{page 378 note 2} Loc. cit., September 16, 1888.

^{page 378 note 3} Baumont, M., L'Essor industriel et l'impérialisme coloniale (Paris, 1949), 433–437.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 4} Levasseur, Emile, Questions ouvrières et industrielles en France sous la IIIe République (Paris, 1907), 244–251.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 5} Golob, , op. cit., 216–226.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 1} French socialism achieved no unity until 1905. In 1890 there were seven distinct groups. Auclair, , op. cit., 194.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 2} Friedmann, , op. cit., 9.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 3} For a lucid discussion of the difference between mass and cadre parties, see Maurice, Duverger, Political Parties (London, 1954), 62–71.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 4} Augé-Laribé, M., Petite ou grande proprieté? (Montpellier, 1902), 122–125.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 5} Augé-Laribé, M., Le Problème agraire du socialisme (Paris, 1907), 8–9.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 6} Augé-Laribé, Petite…, op. cit., 127.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 1} Augé-Laribé, , Le Problème…, op. cit., 9.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 2} Lafargue, P., Programme agricole du parti ouvrier français (Lille, 1897), 1–4.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 3} The most recent French version is Engels, F., “La Question paysanne en France et en Allemagne,” in Cahiers du Communisme, Vol. 31 (November, 1955), 1467–1488.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 1} Ibid., 1470.

^{page 381 note 2} Loc.cit.

^{page 381 note 3} Ibid., 1477.

^{page 381 note 4} Ibid., 1481.

^{page 381 note 5} Ibid., 1483.

^{page 381 note 6} Domela, Nieuwenhuis F., Le Socialisme en danger (Paris, 1897), 80–82.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 1} Kautsky, Karl, La Politique agraire du parti socialiste (Paris, 1903), 29.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 2} Ibid., 32.

^{page 382 note 3} Ibid., 54–213. The same equivocation is in Vandervelde, E., “Le Socialisme et la transformation capitaliste de l'agriculture,” in La Révue socialiste, Vol. 31 (June, 1901), 641–661.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 4} Gatti, G., Le Socialisme et l'agriculture (Paris, 1901), 266–268.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 382 note 5} Ibid., 334.

^{page 382 note 6} Le Parti Ouvrier, February 16 and September 21, 1895. Note also the scathing remarks by the philosopher of revolutionary syndicalism, Sorel, Georges, in his preface to Pelloutier, Fernand, Histoire des bourses du travail (Paris, 1902), 14–15.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 7} International Socialist Workers and Trade Union Congress, Report of Proceedings (London, 1896), 25.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 1} Ibid., 26.

^{page 383 note 2} Ibid., 28–29.

^{page 383 note 3} The idealism of Jaurès, differentiating him from Marxism, is best brought out in his famous debate with Lafargue. See Jaurés, Jean, et Lafargue, Paul, Idéalisme et matérialisme dans la conception de l'histoire (Paris, 1895).Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 1} La Dépêche de Toulouse, January 11, 1893.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 2} Loc. cit., October 18, 1893.

^{page 384 note 3} Loc. cit.

^{page 384 note 4} Loc. cit., October 23, 1893.

^{page 384 note 5} Le Temps, October 5 and 28, 1893.

^{page 384 note 6} La Dépêche de Toulouse, October 30, 1893.

^{page 384 note 7} Journal Official, Chambre des Députés, June 15, 1893.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 1} Loc. cit., Janaury 16, 1894.

^{page 385 note 2} Loc. cit. Jaurès named as great merchants in the grain speculation the houses of Ephrussi, Thalmann, and Dreyfus. See La Dépêche de Toulouse February 27, 1894.

^{page 385 note 3} The same desire to go beyond regional and special interests, which marked his approach to the tariff question, moved Jaurès in the debate on the alcohol tax. In the midst of the tug-of-war between distillers and vineyard owners, he proposed a state monopoly of the distinlling of spirits. See Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, June 8, 1895.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 4} Loc. cit., January 20, 1894.

^{page 386 note 1} Jaurés was a constant critic of the conservative Méline Ministry, 1896–1898.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 2} Le Temps, October 29, 1894.

^{page 386 note 3} Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, October 27, 1894.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 4} Le Temps, July 29, 1893.

^{page 386 note 5} Le Telégramme, November 23, 1895.

^{page 386 note 6} La Dépêche de Toulouse, April 24, 1894.

^{page 386 note 7} Auclair, , op. cit., 324–325.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 8} It was first printed in Paris in 1897.

^{page 387 note 1} Chastenet, Jacques, Histoire de la Hie République, 3 vols. (Paris, 1952–1955), III, 92–93.Google Scholar The journalist Maurice Allard, referring to the long delay in granting Jaurès the forum, said: “It is obvious that the Premier had a special interest in stiflying the discussion…” La Lanterne, November 7, 1897.

^{page 387 note 2} Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, June 19, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 387 note 3} The very recent work by Chastenet places the day labourer's annual wage in 1906, when conditions had improved, at 600 francs for men and 400 for women. Op. cit., 343.

^{page 388 note 4} A completely rigorous accounting of the agricultural data, devoid of any propaganda content, would have had to cope with other matters. There is the question of what a large or small property is, the answer to which frequently hinges on fertility and the nature of the crop. A tiny holding in vines, fruit, or vegetables means more, for example, than one in wheat. Furthermore, using the same data, Chastenet concluded (ibid., 342): “A comparison of statistics indicates progress for small and medium property at the expense of large (more than four hectares) and very small (less than one hectare)…” But he reveals neither the actual number of hectares in large and small holdings nor his reason for making his small, medium, and large categories so different from the ones in use in official statistics. The insinuation of Jaurès that independent peasant holdings were going to disappear, however, has not to date been validated. A very recent study of contemporary agriculture concludes thus: “…the number of medium holdings tends to increase at the expense of very small and very large holdings.” Fauvet, , op. cit., 163.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 1} Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, June 26, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 2} Loc. cit.

^{page 388 note 3} Loc. cit. Note his further discussion of the “Société de Roquefort” in La Dépêche de Toulousc, September 23, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 388 note 4} Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, June 26, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 1} Loc. cit., July 3, 1897. See the resemblance to Proudhon's thought in Maitron, Jean, Histoire du mouvement anarchiste en France (Paris, 1951), 29.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 2} Augé-Laribé, , Petite…, op. cit., 141.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 3} Le Temps, July 6, 1897.

^{page 389 note 4} Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul, Les Citations de M. Jaurès et la veracité des socialistes (Paris, 1897), I.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 5} Ibid., 7–8.

^{page 389 note 6} La Petite République, July 31, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 389 note 7} Loc. cit., September 11, 1897.

^{page 390 note 1} Journal Officiel, Chambre des Députés, July 3, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 2} Loc. cit., November 13 and 20, 1897. The release of the 1892 agricultural statistics in 1897 actually vindicated Jaurès in showing a decline of 138,000 proprietors from 1882 to 1892. Lanterne, La, November 7, 1897.Google Scholar

^{page 390 note 3} See Augé-Laribé, M., Situation de l'agriculture française, 1930–1939 (Paris, 1945), 29Google Scholar: “France is certainly a country where small and medium holdings predominate.”

^{page 390 note 4} Note the figures for increase of tenancy and sharecropping, 1929–1946, in Fauchon, Jean, Économic de l'agriculture française (Paris, 1954), 43.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 1} The best criticism of the dualism between determinism and voluntarism has been made by Drachkovitch, M., De Karl Marx à Leon Blum (Geneva, 1954)Google Scholar, passim.

^{page 391 note 2} On the greater appeal of moral socialism than rational Marxism, see Henri de, Man, The Psychology of Socialism (New York, 1927)Google Scholar, passim.

^{page 391 note 3} Compère-Morel, A., Le Socialisme et la terre (Paris, 1928), 20–21.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 4} On the growth of socialism in the countryside, see Compère-Morel, A., La Petite proprieté paysanne et le socialisme (Paris, 1926)Google Scholar, passim. For a typical, reaction of fear over the spread of socialism in countryside, see Journal des Débats, October 12, 1894.Google Scholar

^{page 391 note 5} For recent socialist strength in rural areas, see Pierre, Rimbert, “Le Parti Socialiste”Google Scholar in Duverger, , ed., Partis Politiques et…, op. cit., 204–207.Google Scholar