In the twenty years since Japan's surrender, new materials and greater perspective allow for more effective probing than heretofore of American policies on the occupation of Japan. This study aims to further this task by posing and answering—at least in part—several questions which underlay these policies.

The revolution that erupted in China in 1911 came as a shock to Japan. The Japanese had taken advantage of the opportunity created by their victory over Russia in 1905 to annex Korea and extend their influence into China. Their chief aim was to use the Korean peninsula as a base for an advance into Manchuria. Encouraged by various interests acquired through the Treaty of Portsmouth, Japan already had begun to exercise some control in Manchuria.

Indian philosophical thought has always attempted to deal with opposite or binary values. However, when faced with contradictions, social scientists try to analyze the form, meaning and function of opposed values in real social situations. The problem of opposed values becomes difficult and anomalous when the culture, at different levels, not only permits oppositions, but simultaneously sanctions them. The data on meat-eating among the Kanya-Kubja brahmans of Katyayan gotra (primarily an exogamous group composed of several lineages) present this type of problem to the social anthropologist.

As the study of the processes by which India and Pakistan achieved their independence unfolds further, it seems probable that the most fruitful advances will be made through studies of particular episodes and particular themes. In all this there is little fear that the national movement itself will be neglected. Its rise to preeminence is of perennial interest. But there is some danger that its opponents may be.

The non-cooperation movement of 1920–1922 was a significant landmark in the development of nation-wide political activities by the Indian National Congress. At the same time, because it took place within very different regional contexts, the nature of the movement and the response which it provoked derived a good deal from regional ingredients. In the United Provinces (the present day Uttar Pradesh), an agricultural region with a largely rural population, it was the agrarian system which molded the character of the non-cooperation and “anti-non-cooperation” movements. Non-cooperation there coincided with unrest among the peasantry and, for a time at least, it assumed the appearance of a revolutionary upsurge. The British Government of the province, therefore, had to meet this revolutionary movement as well as the Congress-led political movement. The Government turned to the landed aristocracy, whose influence in the countryside it had depended upon in the past, to provide the basis for an anti-revolutionary front. Initially, then, the non-cooperation movement served to refurbish the province's traditional landlord-based political system. It went further, however; and at one stage it appeared likely that the moderate-nationalist politicians, usually critical of the government, would be prepared to ally themselves with both the government and the landlords because of their concern over the dangers of revolution within the province. “Anti-non-cooperation,” it seemed, might create a new use for traditional methods of political control, as well as the source of important new lines of political development in the province. It is the creation of this situation, and its working out within the framework of the Government's efforts to counter both revolution and disorder, which is traced here.

It was in the autumn of 1912, when Ezra Pound “went to Mr. Yeats' rooms and found him much excited over the advent of a great poet, someone ‘greater than any of us.’” This was the beginning of the rather extraordinary story of Rabindranath Tagore's appearance on the Western literary scene, which was to earn him a great deal of sudden fame, and the Nobel Prize for Literature in November, 1913. The Western appreciation of Tagore had a sensational quality which was striking when it came but looked even more unusual when viewed later after the abrupt craze was over and Tagore was largely forgotten.

The Great Shun once said, “Poetry bespeaks the emotion.” As Ezra Pound puts it, “Poetry is a verbal statement of emotional values; a poem is an emotional value verbally stated.” From the earliest anonymous composer to Mao Tse-tung, we observe in the outpourings of the poet's heart his innermost feelings and the shape of things in the offing. In the Ch'un-ch'iu period (722–484 B.C.) poetry was not only composed to voice the poet's emotion, but also quoted to the accompaniment of music on diplomatic missions to exchange views between states without causing affront or embarrassment, a fact which underlies the “moderation and magnanimity” characteristic of Chinese poetical tradition.

The year 1964 marked the centenary of the suppression of the Taiping Revolution, China's largest-scale revolution up to that time, and of the death of one of its greatest heroes, the Taiping's Loyal Prince, Li Hsiu-chʻeng. The Taiping movement has ever since been held in respectful esteem by Chinese revolutionaries. Sun Yat-sen considered himself the “spiritual” successor to the leader of the defeated movement. The Communists too maintain a respectful sympathy for die Taipings, whom they regard more or less as important forerunners of their own revolution. This does not mean that Communist historians, when writing from a Marxist-disciplined perspective, fail to point out the revolutionary shortcomings of the Taipings. But, everything considered, the movement and its principal leaders remain objects of considerable historical respect.