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Overcoming a stigmatic past: National Central University students in Nanjing, China, and the politics of wartime history

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 March 2024

Jonathan Henshaw*
Affiliation:
Independent scholar

Abstract

The Japanese empire’s occupation of China during the Second World War left a complex and bitter legacy in postwar Chinese society. This article examines the occupation and its legacies at the grassroots, taking university students in Nanjing as a case study in occupation history and ‘bottom-up’ wartime commemoration. These young people, who studied at National Central University (NCU) under the Japanese-backed Reorganized National Government of Wang Jingwei, organized three protest movements between 1940 and 1945, defying puppet authorities, Japanese forces, and, after the war, the returning Chongqing Nationalist government, as they campaigned against corruption, opium sales, and discriminatory treatment over their status as ‘bogus students’ who supposedly received Japanese ‘enslavement education’ from a collaborationist regime. In the 1980s, after decades of marginalization under the People’s Republic of China, these former protestors began holding reunions, documenting their experiences, and campaigning for recognition from Nanjing University, which eventually recognized them as alumni. Drawing primarily on privately printed alumni memoirs and commemorative volumes, this article positions the protests in the history of youth activism in Nanjing. That NCU students were able to rehabilitate themselves was due to their own organizational prowess and a sympathetic reception from the leadership of a cash-strapped Nanjing University, though the interests of fellow alumnus Jiang Zemin and the Communist Party-state still set the parameters of historical memory. In this, the example of the Nanjing students complicates the top-down role of the state, as described in much previous scholarship on Chinese wartime commemoration, in producing politically motivated nationalist narratives of wartime history.

Type
Forum Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press.

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32 For details on the screening programmes, see Song Enrong and Zhang Xian (eds), Zhonghua minguo jiaoyu fagui xuanbian [Selected education legislation in the Republic of China] (Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 2005), pp. 684–695.

33 Nanjing Zhongyang daxue (1940–1945 nian) xiaoyou hui (eds), ‘Kangri zhanzheng shiqi Nanjing Zhongyang daxue shi ji’ [Historical collection from Nanjing Central University during the War of Resistance] (Nanjing: n.p., 2002), pp. 63–67. Lo Jiu-jung also suggests that student alienation after the screening measures was a response to a failed policy on the part of the government that cannot simply be attributed to communist activists; see Lo Jiu-jung, ‘Kangzhan shengli hou jiaoyu zhenshen de lilun yu shiji’ [Theory and practice of educational screening after the victory in the War of Resistance], Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, no. 22 xia, 1993, p. 209.

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53 Nanjing zhongda (40–45) lianluo chu (eds), ‘Zhongyang daxue xiaoyou hui zhuankan’, p. 5; Nanjing Zhongyang daxue (1940–1945) tongxue lianxi zhongxin (eds), Nanjing-Taiwan tongxue chang he shichao [Collected songs and poems by Nanjing and Taiwan classmates] (Nanjing: n.p., 1987), Foreword.

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55 Nanjing zhongda (40–45) lianluo chu (eds), ‘Zhongyang daxue xiaoyou hui zhuankan’, pp. 30 and 22.

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58 Ibid., p. 57.

59 Ibid., p. 53.

60 Nanjing zhongyang daxue (40–45) xiaoyou (eds), ‘Qiannian juhui jiniankan’ [Millenium gathering commemorative volume] (n.p., 2000), p. 36.

61 Nanjing daxue xiaoshi bianxiezu (ed.), Nanjing daxue shi [The history of Nanjing University 1902–1992] (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992), pp. 201–202.

62 Ibid., pp. 198 and 200.

63 Ibid., p. 200.

64 Five hundred and ninety donors are listed in Xue ni hong zhao: Zhixing lou luocheng dianli jinian ce [Goose tracks through the snow: Building of knowledge and practice building opening ceremony commemorative booklet] (n.p., undated), pp. 31–35.

65 See Qu Qinyue et al., ‘Juanzeng “Zhixing lou” caoyishu’ [Draft endowment agreement for the building of knowledge and practice], Xiaoyou, no. 1, 1992, pp. 145–146.

66 This poem was then put to music by alumni Qian Renkan and carved on a memorial plaque for the alumni building. See Xue ni hong zhao, p. 36.

67 Cheng and Wu (eds), Jiaxiang zai Jiangnan, p. 59.

68 See Yuting, Yang, Shoubin, Wang and Ruixiang, Deng, ‘Nangfang daxue de bianqian’ [Vicissitudes of Southern University], Jianye wenshi, no. 3, 1988, pp. 4851Google Scholar; Li Xun, ‘Wang wei shiqi chouban wei “guoli shanghai daxue” shimou’ [The beginning and the end of the bogus National Shanghai University during the bogus Wang regime], Shanghai daxue xuebao (shehui kexue ban), vol. 9, no. 6, November 2002, p. 95. See also Li Xun, ‘Wancheng Qian Xiaozhang jiaoban de renwu’ [Completing the assignment from President Qian], Xinmin wanbao, 24 August 2010.

69 Wu Jen-shu, Jiehou ‘tiantang’: Kangzhan lunxian hou de Suzhou chengshi shenghuo [Paradise plundered: Urban life in occupied Suzhou during the War of Resistance] (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2020), p. 246.

70 For a critique of how an over-emphasis on total Japanese repression versus Chinese resistance distorts the dynamics of occupation, see Howard, Joshua H., ‘Beyond repressions and resistance: Worker agency and corporatism in occupied Nanjing’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 56, no. 1, 2022, pp. 346348.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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72 Wang Jingyuan, ‘Houji’ [Afterword], in Tao ni ji [Collected works denouncing the traitors], (ed.) Cai Dejin (Lanzhou: Lanzhou University Press, 2005), pp. 440–441.

73 Cai Dejin, ‘Guanyu kangzhan shiqi Wang Jingwei yu Wang wei zhengquan de jige wenti zhi wo jian’ [My views on a few questions regarding Wang Jingwei during the War of Resistance and the bogus Wang regime], in ibid., pp. 366–367.

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75 This is not to say that senior scholars did not continue with the direction of their previous research. Shi Yuanhua, for example, who began his studies on Wang Jingwei’s Nanjing government in the late 1970s, maintained a steady output of studies and biographies of Chen Gongbo, released in 1986, 1992, 1997, 1999, and 2008. For details, see Shi Yuanhua, ‘Luanshi nengchen’ Chen Gongbo [Chen Gongbo: A capable minister in a chaotic world] (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshe, 2008), pp. 376–377. Similarly, in 1992, Cai Dejin likewise followed up on his 1986 publication of Zhou Fohai’s diaries with the biographical Zhou Fohai: Zhao qin mu chu [The turncoat Zhou Fohai] (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1992). For details on the recovery of Wang’s diary and plans to publish it, see Cai Dejin, ‘Tan tan Wang Jingwei riji’ [Discussing Wang Jingwei’s diary], in Tao ni ji, (ed.) Cai, pp. 123–127.

76 For a more recent debate on the question of moral judgement, see Timothy Brook, ‘Hesitating before the judgment of history’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 71, no. 1, February 2012, pp. 103–114; Whittier Treat, John, ‘Choosing to collaborate: Yi Kwang-su and the moral subject in colonial Korea’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 71, no. 1, February 2012, pp. 81102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77 Wang Hui, ‘Ming’an zhijian: ji Zhang Shicheng xiansheng’ [Between darkness and light: Remembering Mr Zhang Shicheng], in Ling yi zhong xueshu shi: ershi shi ji xueshu xinzhuan [A scholastic history of another kind: Passing the academic torch through the 20th century], (eds) Zhang Chuntian and Zhang Yaozong (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2012), p. 143.

78 Pan Tian, ‘Jiamo yongyuan huo zao women de xin zhong’ [Jiamo lives forever in our hearts], in Wang Jiamo jinianji [Wang Jiamo memorial essays], (eds) Wang Jiamo jinianji bianjizu (Beijing: Nanjing zhongyang daxue (1940–1945) xiaoyou hui, 1997) p. 7.

79 Wang Jiamo jinianji bianjizu (eds), Wang Jiamo jinianji.

80 Nanjing zhongyang daxue (40–45) xiaoyou (eds), ‘Qiannian juhui jiniankan’, p. 20.

81 See Chen Xiuliang, ‘Lishi zhengming ta shi yige hao dangyuan’ [History proves he was a good Party member] and Fu Jijia, ‘Wo jing wo fu, wo ai wo fu’ [I respect my husband, I love my husband], in Kangri zhanzheng shiqi Nanjing zhongyang daxue shiji [Chronicle of Nanjing National Central University during the War of Resistance against Japan], (eds) Nanjing zhongyang daxue (1940–1945) xiaoyou hui (Nanjing: unknown, 2002), pp. 19 and 149 respectively.

82 Ibid., p. 47.

83 Wang (ed.), Nanjing daxue bainian shi, p. 248.

84 For collaboration at the local level, see Pan Min, Jiangsu Riwei jiceng zhengquan yanjiu (1937–1945) [A study of bogus Japanese local regimes in Jiangsu (1937–1945)] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2006). For a study of the RNG’s Central Reserve Bank, see Zhu Peixi, Jisheng yu gongsheng: Wang wei zhongyang chubei yinhang yanjiu [Parasitic and symbiotic: Research on the bogus Wang regime’s Central Reserve Bank] (Shanghai: Tongji daxue chubanshe, 2012), p. 168.

85 Zanasi, ‘Globalizing hanjian’.

86 Brook, Timothy, Collaboration: Japanese agents and local elites in wartime China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), p. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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89 Wang Jingwei’s wife, Chen Bijun (1891–1959), presents an intriguing example of a hanjian refusing to confess her guilt. Imprisoned after the war, she reportedly rejected an offer of early release in exchange for denouncing her husband. See Musgrove, Charles D., ‘Cheering the traitor: The post-war trial of Chen Bijun, April 1946’, Twentieth Century China, vol. 30, no. 2, April 2005, p. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

90 At his trial in 1947, Li Shengwu was fully aware that it was a Chongqing operative who had orchestrated the march on Wang’s residence. See shi dang’anguan, Nanjing (ed.), Shenxun Wang wei hanjian bilu [Records of the bogus Wang traitors on trial] (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2004), vol. 1, pp. .Google Scholar

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