Economic nationalism was an important element of political conflict between Czechs and Germans in Bohemia. As the Czechs developed their own (avowedly national) industrial and financial base, they not only competed with the Germans in an economic sense, but they also challenged German Bohemians' prominence in business associations and in local and provincial government. While the Czechs embraced an “optimism of work,” German Bohemians felt a need to defend their economic superiority.

Through scientific inquiry, applied technology, and hard work, the peoples of Europe and North America made the nineteenth century, as Asa Briggs has so aptly indicated, an “age of improvement.” In politics they simultaneously promoted what Alexis de Tocqueville then perspicaciously described as “the inexorable advance of democracy.” Moreover, an unprecedented rapid increase in wealth, knowledge, and speed of travel facilitated a rebirth of national consciousness and the formation of national political communities among the smaller and heretofore oppressed peoples of Europe.

Jindřich (Heinrich) Fügner played a significant role in the evolution of Czech national culture in the nineteenth century. As the first President, or starosta, of the Sokol (Falcon), the Czech gymnastic club that was modeled on the older German Turnverein movement, he worked together with the club's Gymnastic Director, Miroslav Tyrš, to build the foundations of the most successful Czech nationalist organization of the nineteenth century. A prominent and respected figure in the society of mid-century Prague, he was also somewhat of an anomaly, a German businessman who abandoned the status that his wealth and national origin conferred to cross-over to a Czech identity. Although such conversions evoke images of “national promiscuity” or “national transvestitism” in the modern world, where national identity is viewed as inevitable, they were not uncommon in nineteenth-century Prague, and Fügner's choice was unusual only because it was not motivated by a desire for social advancement or economic opportunity. Rather, in a world where political expression was limited, it appears as a statement of personal values and ideological conviction whose motives must be sought not in material concerns, rather in the more abstract regions of the soul.

On 22 December 1918 Tomáš G. Masaryk delivered his first political message as president of the fledgling Czechoslovakia. Addressing the Constituent Assembly at Hradčany in Prague, he vowed that the frontier districts of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, which contained a predominantly German-speaking population (and which German nationalists eventually designated collectively as the Sudetenland) would remain in the new Republic. Inimical toward and unwilling to live in a state dedicated to the sovereignty of Czechs and Slovaks, virtually all German leaders at the time of Masaryk's address were working to separate German districts from Czechoslovakia and link them with Austria.

For over 700 years Czechs and Germans lived together in those lands which in this century would be consolidated as Czechoslovakia. It was not always a harmonious existence, but a kind of symbiosis did develop which sustained the relationship to the point where one group was unthinkable without the other. All of that changed in the twentieth century in an age characterized by awakening, intolerant ethnic nationalism and total war. Indeed, by the end of the Thirty Years' War of this century, the long Czech-German relationship in Bohemia came to a bitter, and seemingly permanent, end through the expulsion of the Germans of Czechoslovakia.

On 27 February 1992, almost 47 years after the end of the Second World War, Chancellor Helmut Kohl of a re-united Germany and President Václav Havel of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic [the ČSFR] signed a Friendship Treaty between their two countries in the Spanish Room of Prague Castle, the residence of the Czechoslovak president. While this treaty could have signalled a new era of Sudeten German-Czech relations, in fact it did not, as some 2,000 protesters who greeted Kohl and Havel with denunciatory placards following the signing made clear. Why not?

The relationship between Germans and Czechs has often been the crucible on which the history of Central Europe was forged. Although characterized more by enmity than amity in recent times, this was not always the case. For most of the centuries when Czechs and Germans shared the same Central European space, the cultural differences between them lacked a political dimension, and their interaction was peaceful and mutually beneficial. The Teutonic Knights named their citadel “Königsberg” in honor of the Czech ruler, Přemysl Otakar II, while German townspeople contributed their skills and crafts to the economic advancement of the Bohemian kingdom which he ruled. Beginning in the nineteenth century, however, the positive aspects of this ethnic coexistence were ignored, forgotten, or suppressed by scholars and politicians, both Czech and German, who interpreted the Bohemian past in the language of national separatism.