Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-4hhp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-05T17:32:02.583Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Participatory authoritarianism: From bureaucratic transformation to civic participation in Russia and China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 July 2020

Catherine Owen*
Affiliation:
Department of Politics, University of Exeter
*
*Corresponding author. Email: C.A.M.Owen@exeter.ac.uk

Abstract

This article explores the way in which Russian and Chinese governments have rearticulated global trends towards active citizenship and participatory governance, and integrated them into pre-existing illiberal political traditions. The concept of ‘participatory authoritarianism’ is proposed in order to capture the resulting practices of local governance that, on the one hand enable citizens to engage directly with local officials in the policy process, but limit, direct, and control civic participation on the other. The article explores the emergence of discourses of active citizenship at the national level and the accompanying legislative development of government-organised participatory mechanisms, demonstrating how the twin logics of openness and control, pluralism and monism, are built into their rationale and implementation. It argues that as state bureaucracies have integrated into international financial markets, so new participatory mechanisms have become more important for local governance as government agencies have lost the monopoly of information for effective policymaking. Practices of participatory authoritarianism enable governments to implement public sector reform while directing increased civic agency into non-threatening channels.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the British International Studies Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 In the context of local governance, I refer to democratic practices as those that promote pluralism and authoritarian practices as those that stifle it, or promote monism. However, although participation suggests a growing plurality of voices in governance, my research shows that participatory practices are not always democratic, because these voices may be restricted or undermined. This is the contradiction at the heart of ‘participatory authoritarianism’.

2 Owen, Catherine and Bindman, Eleanor, ‘Civic participation in a hybrid regime: Limited pluralism in policy-making and delivery in contemporary Russia’, Government and Opposition, 54:1 (2019), pp. 98120CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duckett, Jane and Wang, Hua, ‘Extending political participation in China: New opportunities for citizens in the policy process’, Journal of Asian Public Policy, 6:3 (2013), pp. 263–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Almén, Oscar, ‘Participatory innovations under authoritarianism: Accountability and responsiveness in Hangzhou's social assessment of government performance’, Journal of Contemporary China, 27:110 (2018), pp. 165–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Gel'man, Vladimir, Authoritarian Russia: Analyzing Post-Soviet Regime Changes (Pittsburgh, MA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gill, Graeme, Building an Authoritarian Polity: Russia in Post-Soviet Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 George Yin, ‘Domestic Repression and International Aggression? Why Xi is Uninterested in Diversionary Conflict’, Brookings Institute (22 January 2019), available at: {https://www.brookings.edu/articles/domestic-repression-and-international-aggression-why-xi-is-uninterested-in-diversionary-conflict/}.

5 Markus, Stanislav, ‘Capitalists of all Russia, unite! Business mobilization under debilitated dirigisme’, Polity, 39:3 (2007), pp. 277304CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gandhi, Jennifer, Political Institutions under Dictatorship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gandhi, Jennifer and Prezworski, Adam, ‘Authoritarian institutions and the survival of autocrats’, Comparative Political Studies, 40:11 (2007), pp. 1279–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Magaloni, Beatriz, Voting for Autocracy: Hegemonic Party Survival and its Demise in Mexico (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Levitsky, Steven and Way, Lucan, Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bogaards, Matthijs, ‘How to classify hybrid regimes? Defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism’, Democratization, 16:2 (2009), pp. 399423CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Halee, Henry, ‘Hybrid regimes’, in Brown, Nathan J. (ed.), The Dynamics of Democratization: Dictatorship, Development, and Diffusion (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), pp. 2345Google Scholar; Gilbert, Leah and Mohseni, Payam, ‘Beyond authoritarianism: The conceptualization of hybrid regimes’, Studies in Comparative International Development, 46:3 (2011), pp. 270–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schedler, Andreas, The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 7882CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Dimitrov, Martin, ‘What the party wanted to know: Citizen complaints as a “barometer of public opinion” in communist Bulgaria’, East European Politics and Societies, 28 (2014), pp. 271–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Luehrmann, Laura, ‘Facing citizen complaints in China, 1951–1996’, Asian Survey, 43:5 (2003), pp. 845–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Truex, Rory, Making Autocracy Work: Representation and Responsiveness in Modern China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Gallagher, Mary, ‘“Reform and openness”: Why China's economic reforms have delayed democracy’, World Politics, 54:2 (2002), p. 372CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Owen, Catherine, ‘“Consentful contention” in a corporate state: Human rights activists and public monitoring commissions in Russia’, East European Politics, 31:3 (2015), pp. 274–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 The first major study was Shi, Tianjian, Political Participation in Beijing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

10 Tang, Wenfang, Populist Authoritarianism: Chinese Political Culture and Regime Sustainability (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more on protest as a feedback mechanism, see Lorentzen, Peter, ‘Regularizing rioting: Permitting public protest in an authoritarian regime’, Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 8 (2013), pp. 127–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Xi, Chen, Social Protest and Contentious Authoritarianism in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Pan, Jidong Chen Jennifer and Xu, Yiqing, ‘Sources of authoritarian responsiveness: A field experiment in China’, American Journal of Political Science, 60:2 (2016), pp. 383400Google Scholar.

11 He, Baogang and Warren, Mark, ‘Authoritarian deliberation: The deliberative turn in Chinese political development’, Perspectives on Politics, 9:2 (2011), pp. 269–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Teets, Jessica, Civil Society under Authoritarianism: The China Model (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Chen et al., ‘Sources of authoritarian responsiveness’.

14 See Carothers, Thomas, ‘The end of the transition paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, 13:1 (2002), pp. 521CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 See Howard, Marc Morjé, The Weakness of Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Javeline, Debra and Lindemann-Komarova, Sarah, ‘A balanced assessment of Russian civil society’, Journal of International Affairs, 63:2 (2010), pp. 171–88Google Scholar; Chebankova, Elena, Civil Society in Putin's Russia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilbert, Leah, ‘Crowding out civil society: State management of social organisations in Putin's Russia’, Europe-Asia Studies, 68:9 (2016), pp. 1553–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Skokova, Yulia, Pape, Ulla, and Krasnopolskaya, Irina, ‘The non-profit sector in today's Russia: Between confrontation and co-optation’, Europe-Asia Studies, 70:4 (2018), pp. 531–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Important exceptions include Sakwa, Richard, The Crisis of Russian Democracy: The Dual State, Factionalism and the Medvedev Secession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hale, Henry, Patronal Politics: Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richter, James, ‘Putin and the public chamber’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 25:1 (2009), pp. 3965CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Arnstein, Shelley, ‘A ladder of citizen participation’, Journal of American Planning Association, 35:4 (1969), pp. 216–24Google Scholar.

18 For a review of this literature, see Tansey, Oisin, The International Politics of Authoritarian Rule (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 26–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Larsson, Tomas, ‘Reform, corruption, and growth: Why corruption is more devastating in Russia than in China’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 39:2 (2006), pp. 265–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cook, Linda and Dimitrov, Martin K., ‘The social contract revisited: Evidence from communist and state capitalist economies’, Europe-Asia Studies, 69:1 (2017), pp. 826CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krzywdzinski, Martin, Consent and Control in the Authoritarian Workplace: Russia and China Compared (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McAllister, Ian and White, Stephen, ‘Economic change and public support for democracy in China and Russia’, Europe-Asia Studies, 69:1 (2017), pp. 7691CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Libman, Alexander and Rochlitz, Michael, Federalism in China and Russia: Story of Success and Story of Failure? (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Simmons, Erica S. and Smith, Nicholas Rush, ‘Comparison with an ethnographic sensibility’, PS: Political Science and Politics, 50:1 (2017), p. 127Google Scholar, emphasis in original.

22 Skocpol, Theda and Somers, Margaret, ‘The uses of comparative history in macrosocial inquiry’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22:2 (1980), pp. 176–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Chabal, Patrick and Daloz, Jean-Pascal, Culture Troubles: Politics and the Interpretation of Meaning (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 63Google Scholar. See also Yanow, Dvora, ‘Interpretive analysis and comparative research’, in Engeli, Isabelle and Allison, Christine Rothmayr (eds), Comparative Policy Studies: Conceptual and Methodological Challenges (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2014)Google Scholar.

24 John Boswell and colleagues argue that the purpose of interpretive comparison is to form ‘plausible conjectures’ that ‘may or may not resonate beyond the immediate context in which they are initially developed’. See Boswell, John, Corbett, Jack, and Rhodes, R. A. W., The Art and Craft of Comparison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), p. 43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Yanow, ‘Interpretive analysis and comparative research’, p. 148. For a definition of ‘ethnographic sensibility’, see Schatz, Edward (ed.), Political Ethnography: What Immersion Contributes to the Study of Power (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009), p. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 These are composed partly of civic activists and partly of local government officials, which aim to mediate between different sections of society and promote civic harmony. See Richter, ‘Putin and the public chamber’.

27 Jinping, Xi, The Governance of China (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Jinping, Xi, The Governance of China, Volume 2 (Shanghai: Shanghai Press, 2018)Google Scholar.

28 Fairclough, Norman, Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research (Abingdon: Routledge, 2003), p. 24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Glasius, Marlies, ‘What authoritarianism is … and is not: A practice perspective’, International Affairs, 94:3 (2018), pp. 515–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Glasius, Marlies, ‘Extraterritorial authoritarian practices: A framework’, Globalizations, 15:2 (2017), pp. 179–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wagner, Ben, ‘Understanding Internet shutdowns: A case study from Pakistan’, International Journal of Communication, 12:1 (2018), pp. 3917–938Google Scholar.

30 Schatzki, Theodore, ‘Practice mind-ed orders’, in Schatzki, Theodore, Cetina, Karin Knorr, and von Savigny, Eike (eds), The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory (London: Routledge, 2001), p. 53Google Scholar.

31 Adler, Emanuel and Pouliot, Vincent, ‘International practices’, International Theory, 3:1 (2011), p. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Glasius, ‘What authoritarianism is … and is not’, p. 527.

33 Tang, ‘Populist authoritarianism’, p. 6.

34 Townsend, James, Political Participation in Communist China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1987), p. 80Google Scholar.

35 Xi, Social Protest and Contentious Authoritarianism in China, p. 14.

36 Dimitrov, Martin, ‘Tracking public opinion under authoritarianism’, Russian History, 41:3 (2014), pp. 329–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Adams, Jan, Citizen Inspectors in the Soviet Union: The People's Control Committee (New York: Praeger, 1977)Google Scholar.

38 Hahn, Jeffrey, Soviet Grassroots: Citizen Participation in Local Soviet Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 262CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Putin's annual ‘direct line’ and China's ‘Mayors Mailbox’ are examples of mechanisms that reproduce traditional state-society relations. Similarly, scholars note the role of complaint-making as a form of feedback in both countries; see Henry, Laura, ‘Complaint-making as political participation in contemporary Russia’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 45:3–4 (2012), pp. 243–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Luehrmann, ‘Facing citizen complaints in China’). However, these mechanisms predate market transformations and do not seek to cultivate ‘active citizens’ of the type described below, hence I do not explore them here.

40 Majone, Giandomenico, ‘From the positive to the regulatory state: Causes and consequences of changes in the mode of governance’, Journal of Public Policy, 17:2 (1997), pp. 139–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Peck, Jamie, Constructions of Neoliberal Reason (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Flynn, Norman, Public Sector Management (5th edn, London: Sage, 2007), p. 204Google Scholar.

41 Hameiri, Shahar and Jones, Lee, ‘Global governance as state transformation’, Political Studies, 64:4 (2016), p. 795CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For how these transformations are occurring beyond the West, see Dubash, Navroz and Morgan, Bronwen (eds), The Rise of the Regulatory State of the South: Infrastructure and Development in Emerging Economies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Swyngedouw, Eric, ‘Governance innovation and the citizen: The Janus face of governance-beyond-the-state’, Urban Studies, 42:11 (2005), pp. 19912006CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pierre, Jon and Peters, B. Guy, Governance, Politics and the State (Basingstoke: MacMillan Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

43 Keane, John, The Life and Death of Democracy (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009)Google Scholar.

44 Clarke, John, Newman, Janet, Smith, Nick, Vidler, Elizabeth, and Westmarland, Louise, Creating Citizen Consumers: Changing Public and Changing Public Services (London: Sage, 2007)Google Scholar.

45 Vibert, Frank, The Rise of the Unelected: Democracy and the New Separation of Powers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keane, John, Power and Humility: The Future of Monitory Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Brown, Wendy, ‘Sacrificial citizenship: Neoliberalism, human capital and identity politics’, Constellations, 23:1 (2016), pp. 314CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ong, Aihwa, ‘Mutations in citizenship’, Theory, Culture and Society, 23:2–3 (2006), pp. 499505CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47 Almond, Gabriel and Verba, Sidney, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (London: Sage, 1989 [orig. pub. 1963]), p. 30Google Scholar.

48 Ibid., p. 19.

49 Dalton, Russell and Welzel, Christian, Civic Culture Transformed: From Allegiant to Assertive Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 287CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 This gap was highlighted by Distelhorst, Greg and Fu, Diana, ‘Performing authoritarian citizenship: Public transcripts in China’, Perspectives on Politics, 17:1 (2019), pp. 106–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Bakhtin, Mikhail, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, trans. Emerson, Caryl and Holquist, Michael (Austin, TA: University of Austin Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

52 Hindess, Barry, ‘The liberal government of unfreedom’, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 26:2 (2001), p. 104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamann, Trent, ‘Neoliberalism, governmentality and ethics’, Foucault Studies, 6:42 (2009), pp. 3759CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Bhabha, Homi K., The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 54–5Google Scholar.

54 Pieterse, Jan Nederveen, ‘Hybridity… so what? The anti-hybridity backlash and the riddles of recognition’, Theory, Culture and Society, 18:2–3 (2001), p. 222Google Scholar.

55 See Young, Robert J. C., Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race (Abingdon: Routledge, 1995)Google Scholar.

56 Henisz, Witold, Zelner, Bennet, and Guillén, Mauro, ‘The worldwide diffusion of market-oriented infrastructure reform, 1977–1999’, American Sociological Review, 70:6 (2005), pp. 871–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jordana, Jacint, Levi-Faur, David, and Fernández-i-Marín, Xavier, ‘The global diffusion of regulatory agencies; channels of transfer and stages of diffusion’, Comparative Political Studies, 44:10 (2011), pp. 1343–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Kanishka Jayasuriya, ‘Regulatory state with dirigiste characteristics: Variegated pathways of regulatory governance’, in Dubash and Morgan (eds), The Rise of the Regulatory State of the South, p. 185.

58 Gewirtz, Julian, Unlikely Partners: Chinese Reformers, Western Economists and the Making of Global China (Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stiglitz, Joseph, Globalization and its Discontents (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002)Google Scholar.

59 Fairclough, Norman, Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language (2nd edn, London: Routledge, 1995)Google Scholar.

60 Council of Europe, ‘European Charter of Local Self Government’ (1985), available at: {https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/treaty/122}.

61 Hughes, Neil, China's Economic Challenge: Smashing the Iron Rice Bowl (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2002)Google Scholar.

62 Cook, Linda, Postcommunist Welfare States: Reform Politics in Russia and Eastern Europe (New York: Cornell University Press, 2007), pp. 15Google Scholar.

63 ‘The Seoul Declaration on Participatory and Transparent Governance’ (27 May 2005), available at: {http://www.i-p-o.org/GF6-Seoul_Declaration-27May05.htm}.

64 Horsely, Jamie, ‘Towards a more open China?’, in Florini, Ann (ed.), The Right To Know (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Vinogradova, Natalya and Moiseeva, Olga, ‘Open government and “E-government” in Russia’, Sociological Study, 5:1 (2015), pp. 2938CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Evans, Angela and Campos, Adriana, ‘Open government initiatives: Challenges of citizen participation’, Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 32:1 (2013), pp. 172–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; World Bank, ‘Unleashing the Potential of Open Data in Russia’ (13 January 2015), available at: {https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2015/01/13/unleashing-the-potential-of-open-data}.

67 Ivan Shulga, Anna Sukhova, and Gagik Khachatryan, ‘Empowering Communities: The Local Initiatives Support Program in Russia’, Europe and Central Asia Knowledge Brief, World Bank (June 2014), available at: {https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/18932/892270BRI00Box0al0ADD0VC0KNOW0NOTES.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y}.

68 Wong, Christine, ‘Rebuilding government for the 21st century: Can China incrementally reform the public sector?’, The China Quarterly, 200 (2009), pp. 929–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Owen, Catherine, of, ‘A genealogykontrol” in Russia: From Leninist to neoliberal governance’, Slavic Review, 75:2 (2016), pp. 331–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

70 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya Sosredotachivayetsya: Vyzovy, Na Kotoryye My Dolzhny Otvetit’, Izvestiya (16 January 2012), available at: {http://izvestia.ru/news/511884}. While Russian leaders pay lip service to the concept of civil society (grazhdanskoe obshchestvo), legislative developments have divided non-profit organisations into Foreign Agents, who receive funding from abroad and engage in political activity, and Socially Oriented NGOs which may compete for government funding to provide welfare services. The latter are now the legitimate face of independent civic activity, while the former are considered unpatriotic at best and enemies of the people at worst.

71 ‘Putin agrees to head all-Russia People's Front’, RT (12 June 2013), available at: {https://www.rt.com/russia/putin-all-russia-front-600/}.

72 ‘Poslaniye Prezidenta Federal'nomu Sobraniyu’, Kremlin.ru (20 February 2019), available at: {http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/59863}.

73 ‘Poslaniye Prezidenta Federal'nomu Sobraniyu’, Kremlin.ru (1 March 2018), available at: {http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/56957}.

74 ‘Ukaz Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii ot 07.05.2018g. No. 204, Kremlin.ru (7 May 2018), available at: {http://kremlin.ru/acts/bank/43027/page/1}.

75 Howell, Jude, ‘Adaptation under scrutiny: Peering through the lens of community governance in China’, International Political Sociology, 45:3 (2016), p. 491Google Scholar.

76 Burns, John, ‘Public sector reform and the state: The case of China’, Public Administration Quarterly, 24:4 (2000), pp. 419–36Google Scholar. That around a decade later, former British Prime Minister David Cameron employed a virtually identical slogan, ‘Big Society’, to encourage greater community engagement, attests to the perceived universal applicability of the public sector reform agenda and the increased role for citizens it requires.

77 ‘Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu zhiding guomin jingji he shehui fazhan di shi ge wu nian jihua de jianyi [Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: Proposals for the Tenth Five-Year Plan for Social Development]’ (11 October 2000), available at: {http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2000/content_60538.htm}.

78 ‘Gaoju zhongguo tese shehui zhuyi weida qizhi wei duoqu quanmian jianshe xiaokang shehui xin shengli er fendou [Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: Striving for New Victory in Building A Moderately Prosperous Society]’, Report at the 17th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (15 October 2007), available at: {http://www.gov.cn/ldhd/2007-10/24/content_785431.htm}.

79 ‘Jiang Zemin tongzhi zai dang de shiliu da shang suozuo baogao quanwen quanmian jianshe xiaokang shehui, kaichuang zhongguo tese shehui zhuyi shiye xin jumian [Comrade Jiang Zemin's Report at the 16th Party Congress: Building A Moderately Prosperous Society and Creating A New Situation in the Cause of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics]’ (18 November 2002), available at: {https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/ziliao_674904/zyjh_674906/t10855.shtml}.

80 Sigley, Gary, ‘Chinese governmentalities: Government, governance and the socialist market economy’, Economy and Society, 35:4 (2006), pp. 487508CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 Xi Jinping, ‘Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’, speech delivered at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (18 October 2017), available at: {http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/download/Xi_Jinping's_report_at_19th_CPC_National_Congress.pdf}.

82 Vladimir Putin, ‘Demokratiya i Kachestvo Gosudarstva’, Kommersant (6 February 2012), available at: {http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/1866753}.

83 Xi, ‘Secure a Decisive Victory’.

84 Tsgankov, Andrei, The Strong State in Russia: Development and Crisis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 132–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

85 Surkov, Vladislav, ‘Nationalization of the future: Paragraphs pro sovereign democracy’, Russian Studies in Philosophy, 47:4 (2009), pp. 821CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 ‘Zhonggong zhongyang yinfa “Guanyu jiaqiang shehui zhuyi xieshang minzhu jianshe de yijian”’, Xinhua (9 February 2015), available at: {http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2015-02/09/c_1114310670.htm}.

87 Xi, The Governance of China.

88 Howell, ‘Adaptation under scrutiny’, p. 503.

89 Bozhkov, Oleg and Ignatova, Svetlana, ‘Vzaimodeistvie istitutov mestnoi vlasti i predprinimatelstva na sele’, Peterburgskaya Sotsiologiya Segodnya, 6 (2015), pp. 469–89Google Scholar.

90 As Himsworth notes, the term ‘local self-government’ sounds cumbersome in English, with the reflexive form ‘self’-government seeming superfluous. However, it was incorporated to highlight the active role of citizens and the autonomy from central government; hence, I follow the usage of this term as it has been translated. Himsworth, Chis, The European Charter of Local Self-Government: A Treaty for Local Democracy (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Jayasuriya, Kanishka and Rodan, Garry, ‘Beyond hybrid regimes: More participation, less contestation in South-East Asia’, Democratization, 14:5 (2007), pp. 773–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

92 Heilmann, Sebastian, ‘Policy experimentation in China's economic rise’, Studies in Comparative International Development, 43 (2008), pp. 126CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

93 Interview with scholar, Hangzhou, 13 March 2019.

94 Interview with scholar, Xi'an, 25 February 2019.

95 Gel'man, Vladimir, ‘The dynamics of sub-national authoritarianism: Russia in comparative perspective’, in Gel'man, Vladimir and Ross, Cameron (eds), The Politics of Subnational Authoritarianism (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), p. 11.Google Scholar

96 The Constitution of the Russian Federation (1993), available at: {http://www.constitution.ru/en/10003000-01.htm}.

97 Campbell, Adrian, ‘State versus society? Local government and the reconstruction of the Russian State’, Local Government Studies, 32:5 (2006), pp. 659–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 Gel'man, Vladimir, ‘Ot mestnogo samoupravleniya k vertikali vlasti’, Pro et Contra, 11:1 (2007), pp. 618Google Scholar; Bozhkov and Ignatova, ‘Vzaimodeistvie istitutov mestnoi vlasti’.

99 ‘Federal'nyi Zakon “Ob obshchikh printsipakh mestnogo samouproavleniya v Rossiiskoi Federatsii” ot 28.08.1995 N 154 FZ”’, consultant.ru, available at: {http://www.consultant.ru/document/cons_doc_LAW_7642/}.

100 ‘Federal'nyi zakon Rossiiskoi Federatsii ot 6 oktyabrya 2003g. N 131-FZ “Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii mestnogo samoupravleniya v Rossiiskoi Federatsii”’, Rossiiskaya Gazeta (8 October 2003), available at: {https://rg.ru/2003/10/08/zakonsamouprav.html}.

101 ‘Federal'nyi zakon Rossiiskoi Federatsii ot 21 iyulya 2014g. N 212-FZ “Ob Osnovakh obshchestvennogo kontrolya v Rossiiskoi Federatsii”’, Rossiiskaya Gazeta (23 July 2014), available at: {http://www.rg.ru/2014/07/23/zakon-dok.html}.

102 Kirkow, Peter, ‘Russia's regional puzzle: Institutional change and economic adaptation’, Communist Economies and Economic Transformation, 9:3 (1997), pp. 261–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lankina, Tomila, Governing the Locals: Local Self-Government and Ethnic Mobilization in Russia (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004)Google Scholar.

103 Wollmann, Helmut and Gritsenko, Elena, ‘Local self government in Russia: Between decentralisation and re-centralisation’, in Ross, Cameron and Campbell, Adrian (eds), Federalism and Local Politics in Russia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008)Google Scholar.

104 Owen, Catherine, ‘The struggle for meaning of “obshchestvennyi kontrol” in contemporary Russia: Civic participation between resistance and compliance after 2011–2012 elections’, Europe-Asia Studies, 69:3 (2017), pp. 379400CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

105 Interview with scholar, St Petersburg, 13 May 2019; interview with civic activist, St Petersburg, 26 April 2019.

106 ‘Constitution of the People's Republic of China’, The National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China (14 March 2004), available at: {http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/Constitution/node_2825.htm}.

107 Interview with residents committee member, Shanghai, 23 May 2019; interview with residents, Shanghai, 25 May 2019.

108 Liu, Chunrong, ‘Empowered autonomy: The politics of community governance innovations in Shanghai’, Chinese Public Administration Review, 5:1–2 (2008), pp. 6171CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109 Juweihui zuzhi fa [Law of the Organization of Residents’ Committee] (1989), available at: {http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/1989-12/26/content_1481131.htm}.

110 Bray, David, ‘Building “community”: New strategies of governance in urban China’, Economy and Society, 35:4 (2006), p. 536CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 Herberer, Thomas and Göbel, Christian, The Politics of Community Building in Urban China (London: Routledge, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 Interview with local official, Shanghai, 7 June 2019. Other research has explored municipal-level participatory governance, which, for reasons of space, I cannot explore here in detail. See Duckett and Wang, ‘Extending political participation in China’.

113 Interview with scholar, Shanghai, 15 March 2019; Interview with residents’ committee member, 2 June 2019.

114 Duckett and Wang, ‘Extending political participation in China’.

115 Due to the difficulty of observing these practices, especially as an outsider, I rely on the experience of current and former members of participatory bodies described to me in interviews.

116 Owen, ‘“Consentful contention” in a corporate state’.

117 Interview with public chamber member, Samara, 31 October 2012.

118 Interview with city infrastructure activist, St Petersburg, 22 May 2018; interview with recycling activist, St Petersburg, 8 June 2018.

119 Interview with participatory budgeting participant, St Petersburg, 16 September 2019; Interview with public council member, St Petersburg, 13 July 2012; Interview with public council member, St Petersburg, 21 August 2012.

120 Interview with scholar, Shanghai, 1 March 2019. Deliberative polling, whereby a randomly selected (hence free of government influence) population is invited to debate policy, has been implemented in a few municipalities. See Fishkin, James, James, He, Baogang, Luskin, Robert, and Siu, Alice, ‘Deliberative democracy in an unlikely place: Deliberative polling in China’, British Journal of Political Science, 40:2 (2010), pp. 114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 Interview with public council member, Samara, 2 November 2012; interview with former public council member, Samara, 1 November 2012; interview with scholar, Hangzhou, 13 March 2019.

122 Qin, Xuan and He, Baogang, ‘Deliberation, demobilization, and limited empowerment: A survey study on participatory pricing in China’, Japanese Journal of Political Science, 19:4 (2018), pp. 694708CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Interview with scholar, Hangzhou, 13 March 2019.

124 Interview with participatory budgeting participant, St Petersburg, 16 September 2019; interview with scholar, Hanghzou, 14 March 2019.

125 Interview with public council member 1, Moscow, 6 November 2012; interview with public council member 2, Moscow, 9 November 2012.

126 Owen, ‘“Consentful contention” in a corporate state’; Distelhorst, Greg, ‘The power of empty promises: Quasi-democratic institutions and activism in China’, Comparative Political Studies, 50:4 (2017), pp. 464–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

127 Interview with public council member, Samara, 14 August 2012.

128 Yang, Qing and Tang, Wenfang, ‘Exploring sources of institutional trust in China: Culture, mobilization, or performance?’, Asian Politics and Society, 2:3 (2010), pp. 415–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

129 Schlapentokh, Vladimir, ‘Trust in public institutions in Russia: The lowest in the world’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 39:2 (2006), pp. 153–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

130 Interview with participant in residents’ committees’ activities 1, Shanghai, 5 June 2019; interview with participant in residents’ committees’ activities 2, Shanghai, 5 June 2019.

131 Interview with participatory budgeting participant, St Petersburg, 10 May 2019.

132 Tomba, Luigi, The Government Next Door: Neighborhood Politics in Urban China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; interview with community organisation member, Shanghai, 14 June 2019; interview with residents’ committee member, Shanghai, 28 May 2019.

133 Interview with official, St Petersburg, 8 May 2019.

134 Dean, Mitchell, Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society (London: Sage, 1999), p. 155Google Scholar.

135 Agnew, John, ‘The territorial trap: The geographical assumptions of International Relations theory’, Review of International Political Economy, 1:1 (1994), pp. 5380CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

136 Bruff, Ian, ‘The rise of authoritarian neoliberalism’, Rethinking Marxism: A Journal of Culture, Economics and Society, 26:1 (2014), pp. 113–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bruff, Ian and Tansel, Cemal Burak, ‘Authoritarian neoliberalism: Trajectories of knowledge production and praxis’, Globalizations, 16:3 (2019), pp. 233–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.