1. H. S. Vasudevan, “Peasant Land and Peasant Society in Late Imperial Russia, “ The Historical Journal 31, no. 1 (1988): 208-9.

2. Robinson, Geroid T., Rural Russia under the Old Regime (London: Macmillan, 1932), 96 and 111 Google Scholar; Brzheskii, N., Nedoimochnost’ i krugovaia poruka sel'skikh obshchestv (St. Petersburg, 1897), 393–413 Google Scholar; Migulin, P. P., Vykupnye platezhi: K voprosu o ikh ponizhenii (Kharkov, 1904), 46 Google Scholar; Liashchenko, P. I., History of the National Economy of Russia to the 1917 Revolution, trans. Herman, L. M. (New York: Macmillan, 1949), 447 Google Scholar; Gerschenkron, Alexander, “Agrarian Policies and Industrialization, Russia 1861-1917 The Cambridge Economic History of Europe (London, 1965) 6: 768–70Google Scholar; Druzhinin, N. M., Russkaia derevnia na perelome, 1861-1880 gg. (Moscow: Nauka, 1978), 76–77 Google Scholar; Atkinson, Dorothy, The End of the Russian Land Commune, 1905-1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 33 Google Scholar; Rogger, Hans, Russia in the Age of Modernization and Revolution, 1881-1917 (New York: Longman, 1983), 77 Google Scholar; Mironov, Boris, “The Peasant Commune after the Reforms of the 1860s Slavic Review 44, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 453 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gatrell, Peter, The Tsarist Economy, 1850-1917 (London: Batsford, 1986), 197 Google Scholar. Volin, Neither Lazar (A Century of Russian Agriculture from Alexander 11 to Khrushchev [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970], 52–56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar) nor Stephen G. Wheatcroft (“Crises and the Condition of the Peasantry in Late Imperial Russia” in Kingston-Mann, Esther and Mixter, Timothy, eds., Peasant Economy, Culture, and Politics of European Russia, 1800-1921 [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991], 166 Google Scholar) cite arrears figures in this manner. They see them, however, as indicative of the heavy fiscal burden on Russian peasants and evidence of their depressed standard of living, if not desperation.

3. Simms, James Y. Jr., “The Crisis in Russian Agriculture at the End of the Nineteenth Century: A Different View,” Slavic Review 36, no. 3 (September 1977): 385 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bideleux, Robert, Communism and Development (London: Metheun, 1985), 16 Google Scholar.

4. John Thomas Sanders, “'Once More into the Breach, Dear Friends': A Closer Look at Indirect Tax Receipts and the Condition of the Russian Peasantry, 1881- 1899,” Slavic Review 43, no. 4 (Winter 1984): 664-65.

5. Gary M. Hamburg, “The Crisis in Russian Agriculture: A Comment,” Slavic Review 37, no. 3 (September 1978): 485.

6. Simms, “Crisis in Russian Agriculture,” 381.

7. Ibid., 382, note 27; and Khromov, P. A., Ekonomicheskoe razvitie Rossii v XIX-XX vekakh (Moscow-Leningrad: Gospolitizdat, 1950), 498–99Google Scholar.

8. Simms, “The Crisis in Russian Agriculture,” 383.

9. Ibid., 385. Wheatcroft also holds that “the many defaults on direct tax payment offered a greater degree of compensation than is often realized (“Crises and the Condition, “ 166).

10. J. C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976).

11. Otchet gosudarstvennago banka po vykupnoi operatsii s otkrytiia vykupa po 1 ianvaria 1892 goda (St. Petersburg, 1893), 23; Kovan'ko, P., Reforma 19 fevralia 1861 g. i ee posledstviia s finansovoi tochki zreniia (Vykupnaia operatsiia 1861g.-1907g.) (Kiev, 1914)Google Scholar, appendixes no. 4 and 5, 54 and 59-60; and Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, Sobranie tretie (St. Petersburg, 1885-1917), VI: 3, 807 (12 June 1886) (hereafter PSZ).

12. Simms, “The Crisis in Russian Agriculture,” 382-83. Wheatcroft (“Crises and the Condition,” 157) makes the same error as Simms in interpreting the huge increase in redemption receipts.

13. Otchet gosudarstvennago banka; [no author] “Obshchii balans vykupnoi operatsii, “ Vestnik finansov, promyshlennosti i torgovli, 23 (1903); Kovan'ko, Reforma. See also I. Vil'son, “Vykupnye za zemli platezhi krest'ian-sobstvennikov byvshikh pomeshchich'ikh, 1862-1876,” Zapiski Imperatorskago Russkago Geograficheskago Obshchestva po otdeleniiu statistiki (St. Petersburg, 1878), 5: 259-318 and 326-73Google Scholar. Beginning in 1893, the government issued annual financial reports on the redemption operation.

14. Otchet gosudarstvennago banka, 23; “Obshchii balans,” appendix; and Kovan'ko, Reforma, appendix 4, table 4 and appendix 5, table 1, 54-65.

15. Kovan'ko, Reforma, appendix 4, table 4 and appendix 5, table 1, 54-65. The Otchet gosudarstvennago banka, which covers 1862-1891, shows that ex-serfs paid 988.9 million rubles in redemption payments over this period, 96% of the total due. In particular, between 1886-1891, peasants paid 97% of the total due. The figures for the years after 1885 are considered more reliable than those of the earlier period. With the inclusion of the redemption operation in the general state budget that year, accounting procedures improved markedly (Otchet gosudarstvennago banka, 3; and Kovan'ko, Reforma, 261-85).

16. Steven L. Hoch, “The Banking Crisis, Peasant Reform, and Economic Development in Russia, 1857-1861,” The American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (1991): 811.

17. Otchet gosudarstvennago banka, 60-2; Kovan'ko, Reforma, 467.

18. Kovan'ko, Reforma, 480-1.

19. Otchet gosudarstvennago banka, 6-7.

20. Simms, “Crisis in Russian Agriculture,” 391 and 397.

21. “Ibid., 380 and 397. Boris Mironov (“The Peasant Commune,” 460-1) makes a similar error, but with opposite results, when he tries to argue that a decrease in per capita consumption of vodka—“a necessity, not a luxury“—during the 1870s makes “graphically apparent” the “deteriorating condition of the peasantry.“ Another critique of Simms is that he significantly underestimates urban consumption of newly taxed items (Sanders, “Once More into the Breach,” 661 and 663). Wheatcroft, in contrast (“Crises and the Condition,” 161) finds this argument wanting. My own recalculation of Sanders's figures reveals that peasants accounted for 57% of the sugar, 67% of the vodka and 37% of the tobacco indirect tax receipts, which hardly comports with his views, assuming his numbers are accurate.

22. Wheatcroft, “Crises and the Condition,” 142, 151 and 153.

23. Ibid., 129.

24. Oddly, in the very next sentence Wheatcroft appears to contradict himself when he writes that “the rye equivalent of wages rose from 10 to 15 kilograms per day in 1882 to 15 to 20 kilograms per day in 1914 (“Crises and the Condition,” 147). This would be a not insignificant 40% increase, even if marked by periods of unevenness and decline.

25. Jan de Vries, “The Population and Economy of the Preindustrial Netherlands“ in Rotberg, Robert I. and Rabb, Theodore K., eds., Population and Economy: Population and History from the Traditional to the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 111 Google Scholar. See also William W. Hagen, “Working for the Junker: The Standard of Living of Manorial Laborers in Brandenburg, 1584-1810, “I owmaJ of Modern History 58, no. 1 (March 1986): 151.

26. Roger S. Schofield, “Through a Glass Darkly: The Population History of England as an Experiment in History,” in Population and Economy, 26. Similar concerns regarding day wage rates can be found in Lindert, Peter H. and Williamson, Jeffrey G., “English Workers’ Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: A New Look,” The Economic History Review, second series 36, no. 3 (February 1983): 3 Google Scholar.

27. Brown, E. Henry Phelps and Hopkins, Sheila V., “Seven Centuries of Building Wages,” Economica 22, no. 87 (August 1955): 195–206 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Seven Centuries of the Prices of Consumables, Compared with Builders’ Wage-rates,” ibid., 23, no. 92 (November 1956): 296-314.

28. S. A. Klepikov (Pitanie russkogo krest'ianstva [Moscow, 1920], 3 and 12Google Scholar) notes on the basis of budget studies for European Russia that cereals accounted for approximately 63% of total adult caloric intake, two thirds of which was rye. And, with cereal calories among the cheapest source of nutrition, the rough estimations for expenditures presented here do not seem unreasonable. See also Chuprov, A. I. and Posnikov, A. S., “Vvedenie Vliianie urozhaev i khlebnykh tsen na nekotoryia storony russkago narodnago khoziaistva (St. Petersburg, 1897 Google Scholar), I: xi; Chaianov, A. V., The Theory of Peasant Economy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986), 122 Google Scholar; and Smith, R. E. F. and Christian, David, Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of Food and Drink in Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 253–60 Google Scholar.

29. Smith and Christian, Food and Drink, 278-87; and Gregory, Paul R., “Grain Marketings, and Peasant Consumption, Russia, 1885-1913,” Explorations in Economic History 17, no. 2 (1980): 151 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Joan Thirsk, “The Horticultural Revolution: A Cautionary Note on Prices” in Rotberg, Robert I. and Rabb, Theodore K., eds., Hunger and History: The Impact of Changing Food Production and Consumption Patterns on Society, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 102–3Google Scholar.

30. Wheatcroft, “Crises and the Condition,” 158-61.

31. Robert W. Fogel et al., “Secular Changes in American and British Stature and Nutrition,” in Hunger and History, 248; and Lindert, Peter H., “English Population, Wages, and Prices: 1541-1913,” in Population and Economy, 49–58 Google Scholar.

32. Shanin, Teodor (Russia as a ‘Developing Society': The Roots of Otherness: Russia's Turn of the Century [New Haven, Yale University Press, 1985], 1: 94–102 CrossRefGoogle Scholar) has recently estimated that the agricultural wage labor work force was between 2.3% and 6% of the total rural population. These figures include annual and seasonal as well as daywage workers. See also Bideleux, Robert, “Agricultural Advance Under the Russian Village Commune System in Land Commune and Peasant Community in Russia: Communal Forms in Imperial and Early Soviet Society, ed. Bardett, Roger (London: Macmillan, 1990), 200 Google Scholar; and Hagen, “Working for the Junker,” 151.

33. Thirsk, “The Horticultural Revolution,” 101.

34. Gregory (“Grain Marketings,” 153) found real wages rose at a rate “well below the rates of growth of peasant grain consumption,” calculated on the basis of peasant grain retained in the village. He attributed the discrepancy to the fact that “wages figures are quite inexact.” Six years before Wheatcroft, Gregory also wrote that “official series of wages of hired farm labor are available … but a wage series such as this would be a quite unreliable guide to rural living standards” (“The Russian Agrarian Crisis Revisited” in The Soviet Rural Economy, Robert C. Stuart, ed. [Totowa: Rowman and Allanheld, 1983], 22). In neither essay does Gregory detail his criticisms. I have not chosen to address a recent note by Simms (“More Grist for the Mill: A Further Look at the Crisis in Russian Agriculture at the End of the Nineteenth Century,” Slavic Review 50, no. 4 [Winter 1990]: 999-1009) as it suffers from the same weaknesses as Wheatcroft, on whom he relies heavily. The recent essay by Elvira Wilbur (“Peasant Poverty in Theory and Practice: A View from Russia's ‘Impoverished Center’ at the End of the Nineteenth Century, “ Peasant Economy, 101-27) is not discussed because her analysis is essentially static and because the data sample upon which she bases her calculations is unscientific and flawed. See Freudenberger, Herman H., “Discussion,” Journal of Economic History 43, no. 1 (March 1983): 146 Google Scholar.

35. Goldsmith, Raymond W., “The Economic Development of Tsarist Russia 1860-1913,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 9, no. 3 (April 1961): 442–53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nifontov, A. S., Zernovoe proizvodstvo Rossii vo vtoroi polovine XIX veka po materialam ezhegodnoi statistiki urozhaev evropeiskoi Rossii (Moscow: Nauka, 1974), 285–88 Google Scholar; Paul R. Gregory, “Russian Agrarian Crisis,” 22-31; ibid., Russian National Income, 1885-1913 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 89-91 and 264-70; Lowe, Heinz-Dietrich, Die Lage der Bauern in Russland 1880-1905 (St. Katharinen: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1987 Google Scholar); Wheatcroft, “Crises and the Condition,” 133; Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 43-7; Bideleux, Communism, 13-14; Kahan, Arcadius, Russian Economic History: The Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 11 Google Scholar; Shanin, Russia, 1: 140-44; and Bushnell, John, “Peasant Economy and Peasant Revolution at the Turn of the Century: Neither Immiseration nor Autonomy,” The Russian Review 47, no. 1 (January 1988): 75–82 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Klepikov, S. A., Atlas diagramm i kartogramm po agrarnomu voprosu (Moscow, 1917), 25 Google Scholar. On livestock herds, Gregory finds constant per capita livestock holdings between 1890-1913; Kahan a decline of over 40%.

36. Santhebachahalli G. Srikantia, “Better Nutrition and India: A Comment,” in Hunger and History, 171; Gregory, “Grain Marketings,” 138.

37. J. Hémardinquer, “The Family Pig of the Ancien Regime: Myth or Fact?” in R. Forster and O. Ranum, eds., Food and Drink in History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979), 58-59 and 66-72; and M. Morineau, “The Potato in the Eighteenth Century,” in ibid., 31-32, originally published in Annates, E.S.C. (November- December 1970).

38. Srikantia, “Better Nutrition,” 171.

39. Gregory, “Grain Marketings,” 138

40. Gregory, “Russian Agrarian Crisis,” 26 and 28-9; and idem, “Grain Marketings, “ 148.

41. Goldsmith, “Economic Growth,” 454.

42. Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 46 and 137-38; Vasudevan, “Peasant Land,” 208; and Gregory, Russian National Income, 138. Bideleux (Communism, 12-18) relying heavily on the work of Simms and Gregory and on earlier research by Wheatcroft, supports Gregory's position. In particular, Bideleux rejects the “dismal portrayal of the plight of the Russian peasantry” put forth by Marx and Engels, an interpretation “most Soviet and Western historians of Russia have gone along with …“(27).

43. Shanin, Russia, 1: 141 and 188; Hamburg, “Crisis,” 485; Robert Edelman, Proletarian Peasants: The Revolution of 1905 in Russia's Southwest (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 83; Vasudevan, “Peasant Land,” 212; and Rogger, Russia in the Age, 76. See also Sanders, “Once More into the Breach,” 666.

44. Ambiguity in the use of the term “overpopulation” is evidenced by the fact that some place the word within quotes (Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 56 and 66; and Shanin, Russia, 1: 83). Similarly, Robinson speaks of a “comparatively dense population“ (Rural Russia, 245). Overpopulation is also asserted by Gerschenkron (“Agrarian Policies,” 755 and 771); Pavlovsky, George (Agricultural Russia on the Eve of the Revolution [New York: Howard Fertig, 1930], 84–8Google Scholar); Liashchenko (History of the National Economy, 11: 66-69); Rogger (Russia in the Age, 76, 84, 86, 100 and 127); Sanders (“Once More Into the Breach,” 666); Atkinson, (End, 104); and Chaianov (Theory of Peasant Economy 235). See also Esther Kingston-Mann, “Peasant Commune and Economic Innovation: A Preliminary Inquiry,” in Peasant Economy, 44; Volin, Century, 48; Mironov, “The Peasant Commune,” 460; Perrie, Maureen, “The Russian Peasant Movement of 1905-1907: Its Social Composition and Revolutionary Significance,” Past and Present 57 (November 1972): 123–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vasudevan, “Peasant Land,” 212.

45. Robinson, Rural Russia, 94.

46. Freudenberger, “Discussion,” 146.

47. Todes, Daniel P., Darwin without Malthus: The Struggle for Existence in Russian Evolutionary Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 166–72 Google Scholar; Charbit, Yves, “The Fate of Malthus's Work: History and Ideology,” in Malthus: Past and Present, Dupaquier, D. et al, eds. (London: Academic Press, 1983), 26 Google Scholar; Etienne van de Walle, “Malthus Today,” in ibid., 242; Kingston-Mann, Esther, “Marxism and Russian Rural Development: Problems of Evidence, Experience and Culture,” The American Historical Review 86, no. 4 (October 1981): 738 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Volin, Century, 92; and Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 1-28. Notable exceptions were the “legal marxists,” such as Struve and Bulgakov, who were criticized by Lenin for attributing rural impoverishment to malthusian population pressures. On this, see Bideleux, Communism, 73.

48. David Grigg, Population Growth and Agrarian Change: An Historical Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980) 11-19.

49. Shanin, Russia, 1: 140. See also Bideleux, “Agricultural Advance,” 198.

50. A. V. Chaianov, “Predislovie,” in Klepikov, Pitanie, vii-xxiv; Klepikov, Pitanie, 26; and S. G. Wheatcroft, “The Reliability of Russian Prewar Grain Output Statistics, “ Soviet Studies 26, no. 2 (April 1974): 167-68.

51. Grigg, Population Growth, 13-18.

52. Ekk, Nikolai, Opyt’ otrabotki statisticheskikh dannykh o smertnosti v Rossii (St. Petersburg, 1888)Google Scholar, 83; Vladislav Bortkevich, Smertnost’ i dolgovechnost’ muzhshago pravoslavnago naseleniia Evropeiskoii Rossii, in Zapiski Imperatorskoi akademii nauk LXIII, no. 8, (1890), appendix; and idem, Smertnost’ i dolgovechnost’ zhenskago pravoslavnago naseleniia Evropeiskoii Rossii, in Zapiski Imperatorskoi akademii nauk LXVI, no. 3, (1891), appendix; and L. Besser and K. BalŁód, Smertnost', vozrastnoi sostav i dolgovechnost’ pravoslavnago narodonaseleniia oboego pola v Rossii za 1851-1890 gody in Zapiski Imperatorskoi akademii nauk, (1897), VIII series, I, no. 5, (1897): 21 and 67. Sokolov, D. A. and Grebenshchikov, V. I. (Smertnost’ v Rossii i bor'ba s neiu [St. Petersburg, 1901], 25)Google Scholar argued that mortality was flat between 1886 and 1901. Although there was one prominent early critic of Ekk's negative assessment, E. E. Eikhval'd (“Kriticheskiia prilozheniia k stat'e: K voprosu ob umen'shchenii smertnosti Rossii,” Prakticheskaia meditsina [November 1887, July and August-September 1888]), this view found little acceptance. See S. A. Novosel'skii, “Statisticheskii material po voprosu o vysokoi smertnosti v Rossii,” Vestnik obshchestvennoi gigieny (January 1908): 19-20Google Scholar. Even Eikhval'd, however, admitted that infant mortality in Russia was increasing ([July 1888]: 59-60).

53. For a detailed critique of pre-census research on mortality, see S. A. Novosel'skii, Smertnost’ i prodolzhitel'nost’ zhizni v Rossii (Petrograd, 1916), 21-22 and 52-97Google Scholar. See also Osipov, E. A., “Statisticheskii ocherk Rossii i eia sanitarnago sostoianiia in Russkaia zemskaia meditsina (Moscow, 1899), 37Google Scholar.

54. Novosel'skii, “Statisticheskii material,” 20; Jean-Noël Biraben, “Naissances et répartition par âge dans l'Empire russe et en Union Soviétique,” Population 2 (1976): 454-56; Heer, David M., “The démographic Transition in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union,” Journal of Social History 1, no. 3 (Spring 1968): 205 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coale, Ansley J., Anderson, Barbara and Härm, Erna, Human Fertility in Russia since the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 209 Google Scholar. See also Kuczynski, Robert R. (The Balance of Births and Deaths [Eastern and Southern Europe] [Washington: Brookings Institution, 1931], 2: 100–1Google Scholar) for a quite similar assessment of registration data and the limited effects gaps had on the totals; and Kabuzan, V. M., “O dostovernosti ucheta naseleniia Rossii (1857-1917 gg.),” in Istochnikovedenie otechestvennoi istorii: Sbornik statei, 1981 (Moscow, 1982), 100–17Google Scholar.

55. Novosel'skii, “Obzor glavneishikh dannykh po démografii i sanitarnoi statistike Rossii,” in Kalendar’ dlia vrachei vsekh vedomstv na 1916 god (Petrograd, 1916), 36- 37, and 73; Kuczynski, Balance, 14; Rashin, A. G., Naselenie Rossii za 100 let (Moscow, 1956), 215Google Scholar; and Heer, “démographic Transition,” 205.

56. Rashin, Naselenie, 41 and 215; and Shanin, Russia, 1: 188.

57. Steven L. Hoch and Wilson R. Augustine, “The Tax-Censuses and the Decline of the Serf Population in Imperial Russia, 1833-1858,” Slavic Review 38, no. 3 (September 1979): 403-25.

58. Coale, Anderson and Härm, Human Fertility.

59. Gerschenkron, “Agrarian Policies,” 755; Chojnacka, Helena, “Nuptiality Patterns in an Agrarian Society,” Population Studies, 30, no. 2 (1976): 210–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brutskus, B. D., Agrarnyi vopros i agrarnaia politika (Petrograd, 1922), 61–62 Google Scholar; Pavlovsky, Agricultural Russia, 83; Volin, Century, 92; Heer, “démographic Transition,” 228-29; Urlanis, B. Ts., Rozhdaemost’ i prodolzhitel'nost’ zhizni v SSSR (Moscow: Gosstatizdat, 1963), 20 Google Scholar.

60. A. I. Chuprov, “Obshchinnoe zemlevladenie,” in Nuzhdy derevni po rabotam komitetov o nuzhdakh sel'skokhoziaistvennoi promyshlennosti: Sbornik statei (St. Petersburg, 1904), 11: 174-75.

61. Gerschenkron, “Agrarian Policies,” 771.

62. Atkinson, End, 30-32; Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 53.

63. That Atkinson does not appreciate the limitations of the démographic measures she uses is evidenced by her statement that “the death rate in Russia in the nineteenth century was often higher in the countryside than in urban areas” (Atkinson, End, 31). If by this she is implying that mortality conditions were worse in rural areas, she has made an elementary error. “Crude” death rates, which is what they are technically called, are so described because they are strongly affected by the age structure of the population. Death rates in Russia's cities were lower because the population was younger. Urban age-specific death rates were in fact higher and are a better indicator of overall mortality conditions ( Shryock, Henry S. et al., The Methods and Material of démography [New York: Academic Press, 1976] 228 and 443 Google Scholar; and Novosel'skii, S. A., “O razlichiiakh v smertnosti gorodskago i sel'skago naseleniia Evropeiskoi Rossii, “ Obshchestvennyi vrach 4 [April 1911]: 40–62 Google Scholar).

64. Coale, Anderson and Härm, Human Fertility, 20-21 and 41.

65. Chojnacka, “Nuptiality Patterns,” 212; and Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 53.

66. Bushnell, John, “Did Serf Owners Control Serf Marriage? Orlov Serfs and their Neighbors,” Slavic Review 52, no. 3 (Fall 1993): 419–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hoch, Steven L., Serfdom and Social Control in Russia: Petrovskoe, a Village in Tambov (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 118–19 Google Scholar.

67. Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 54.

68. Coale, Anderson and Härm, Human Fertility, 17, 47, 66 and 177-78.

69. Pressant, Roland, démographic Analysis: Methods, Results, Applications (New York: Aldine, 1972), 344 Google Scholar; Coale, A.J., Dememy, P., and Vaughan, Barbara, Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), 33–35 Google ScholarPubMed; and Jean-Noёl Biraben, “Essai sur rёvolution démographique de l'U.R.S.S.,” Population, special number (1958): 44.

70. Novosel'skii, “Statisticheskii material,” 57; idem, “K voprosu o ponizhenii smertnosti i rozhdaemosti v Rossii,” Vestnik obshchestvennoi gigieny, sudebnoi i prakticheskoi meditsiny (March 1914): 351; and idem, Smertnost’ i prodolzhitel'nost’ zhizni, 181. See also P. I. Kurkin, “Statistika dvizheniia naseleniia v Moskovskoi gubernii v 1883-1897 gg., “ in Sbornik statisticheskikh svedenii po Moskovskoi gubernii. Otdel sanitarnyi (Moscow, 1902), VI, vypusk 6, 210; Osipov, “Statisticheskii ocherk,” 37; and Kuczynski, Balance, 14.

71. Novosel'skii, Smertnost’ i prodolzhitel'nost zhizni, 120, 125 and 130; and Ptukha, M., Smertnist’ u Rosii i na Ukraïni (Kharkov and Kiev, 1928), 115 and 120Google Scholar.

72. Wrigley, E. A., Population and History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), 131 Google ScholarPubMed; Hollingsworth, T. H., Historical démography (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1969), 5 Google Scholar; Schofield, Roger and Reher, David, “The Decline of Mortality in Europe” in The Decline of Mortality in Europe, eds. Schofield, R., Reher, D. and Bideau, A. (Oxford: Claredon Press, 1991), 4 Google Scholar; and Graziella Caselli, “Health Transition and Cause-Specific Mortality“ in ibid., 69.

73. In other words, the same cohort is compared at two points in time: the number of persons aged 10 and over in 1888 with those who survived to 1897 (8.2 years later) and are now aged 18.2 and over. The resulting survival rates (after making an adjustment for migration) can then be used to calculate the mortality level which prevailed over this period.

74. M. Ptukha, “Tablytsi smertnosti dlia Ukra'iny. 1896-1897 rr.,” in Zapysky sotsiial'no- ekonomichnogo viddilu (Kiev, 1923), 17-62; and idem, Smertnist', 115 and 120.

75. T. Lynn Smith and Paul E. Zopf, Jr., démography: Principles and Methods (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Company, 1970), 433-34.

76. Coale, Anderson and Härm, Human Fertility, 5 and 205-6; and Heer, “démographic Transition,” 194, 202, 218-21 and 238.

77. McKeown, Thomas, “Food, Infection, and Population,” in Hunger and History, 46 Google Scholar; and idem, The Modern Rise of Population (New York: Academic Press, 1976), 128-42.

78. Taylor, Carl E., “Synergy among Mass Infections, Famines, and Poverty,” in Hunger and History, 288 Google Scholar; and Nevin S. Scrimshaw, “The Value of Contemporary Food and Nutrition Studies for Historians,” in ibid, 332.

79. McKeown, “Food,” 29.

80. Schofield and Reher, “The Decline of Mortality in Europe,” 8-9.

81. Massimo Livi-Bacci, “The Nutrition-Mortality Link in Past Times: A Comment, “ in Hunger and History, 95-100; and his Population and Nutrition: An Essay on European démographic History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 41-62 and 79-110.

82. Novosel'skii, “Statisticheskii material,” 47; idem, Smertnost’ i prodolzhitel'nost' zhizni, 182-84; and idem, “Obzor,” 70; Caselli, “Health and Cause-Specific Mortality, “ 79.

83. H. O. Lancaster, Expectations of Life: A Study in the démography, Statistics, and History of World Mortality (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1990), 304-12 and 374-409.

84. G. I. Rostovtsev, “Dozhivaemost’ muzhskago naseleniia do 20-21 g. i telesnoe razvitie prizyvnago naseleniia v Dmitrovskom uezde Moskovskoi gubernii,” Vestnik obshchestvennoi gigieny (August 1902): 1187; Sandberg, Lars G. and Steckel, Richard H., “Overpopulation and Malnutrition Rediscovered: Hard Times in 19th-century Sweden, “ Explorations in Economic History 25, no. 1 (1988): 3–4 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Komlos, John, Nutrition and Economic Development in the Eighteenth-Century Habsburg Monarchy: An Anthropometric History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 23–54 Google Scholar; and Floud, Roderick C., Wachter, Kenneth W. and Gregory, A. S., Height, Health, and History: Nutritional Status in Britain, 1750-1980 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990 CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

85. McKeown, The Modern Rise, 138-39; Roberts Woods and P. R. Andrew Hinde, “Mortality in Victorian England: Models and Patterns, “/owraa/ of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 1 (Summer 1987): 39; Jacques Vallin, “Mortality in Europe from 1720 to 1914: Long-Term Trends and Changes in Patterns by Age and Sex,” in The Decline of Mortality in Europe, 38-67; and Livi-Bacci, Population and nutrition, 70-71.

86. Sokolov and Grebenshchikov (25, 37-38 and 45-55) and D. E. Gorokhov (“Obshchestvennoe znachenie izucheniia detskoi smertnosti i bor'by s neiu,” Vestnik obshchestvennoi gigieny, [October 1908]: 1633-36 and [November 1908]: 1734-43) provide a detailed survey of the literature on this subject. See also M. Ptukha, “Smertnosf 11 narodnostei Evropeiskoi Rossii v kontse XIX veka,” Pratsi démografichnogo instytutu (Kiev, 1928), 6: 25-26, and 31; Novosel'skii, “Statisticheskii material,” 29-30; idem, “Obzor, “ 66-67; idem, Smertnost’ i prodolzhitel'nost’ zhizni, 181-82; Coale, Anderson and Härm, Human Fertility, 75; and Kunitz, Stephen J., “Speculations on the European Mortality Decline,” The Economic History Review, second series, 36, no. 3 (August 1983): 352 and 357CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

87. Massimo Livi-Bacci, “The Nutrition-Mortality Link,” 96; and Schofield and Reher, “The Decline of Mortality in Europe,” 16. Thus the attempt by Gatrell to use infant mortality rates as a proxy for income are, for the Russian case, suspect (Gatrell, The Tsarist Economy, 30-7). In addition, Kahan's statement that the “mechanism of the increase in the size of population during this period [1860-1913] was the decline in the mortality rate (especially infant mortality)” is wanting (Kahan, Russian Economic History, 2-3).

88. McKeown, “Food,” 28; idem, The Modern Rise, 152-54; idem, “Fertility, Mortality, and Causes of Death: An Examination of Issues Related to the Modern Rise of Population, “ Population Studies 31, no. 3 (November 1978): 541; W. R. Lee, “Introduction: Population Growth, Economic Development and Social Change in Europe, 1750- 1970,” in idem, ed., European démography and Economic Growth (London: Croom Helm, 1979), 15; and Perrenoud, Alfred, “Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting” in Pre- Industrial Population Change: The Mortality Decline and Short-Term Population Movements, eds. Bengtsson, T., Fridlizius, G. and Ohlsson, R. (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell International, 1984), 43 Google Scholar.

89. Flinn, Michael W., The European démographic System, 1500-1820 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 101 Google Scholar. See also Scrimshaw, “Nutrition Studies,” 334.

90. Evsey Domar, “Were Russian Serfs Overcharged for their Land by the 186.1 Emancipation? The History of One Historical Table,” in Research in Economic History: Agrarian Organization in the Century of Industrialization: Europe, Russia, and North America, supplement 5 (1989), part B, 434; Lositskii, A. E., Vykupnaia operatsiia (St. Petersburg, 1906), 38–39 Google Scholar.

91. Domar, “Were Russian Serfs Overcharged,” 436.

92. Gerschenkron, “Agrarian Policies,” 740-41.

93. Degtiarev, A. la., Kashchenko, S. G. and Raskin, D. I., Novgorodskaia derevnia v reforme 1861 goda: Opyt izucheniia s ispol'zovaniem EVM (Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Leningradskogo Universiteta, 1989), 143–46Google Scholar; Kashchenko, S. G., Reforma 19 fevralia 1861 goda v Sankt-Peterburgskoi gubernii (Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Leningradskogo Universiteta, 1990), 130–39Google Scholar; and Steven L. Hoch, “Introduction,” The Novgorod Countryside in the Reform of 1861: A Computer-Aided Experimental Study in Soviet Studies in History 30, no. 4 (Spring 1992): 5. Peasants who reached voluntary agreements with their lords might have contracted to make supplemental payments. But only one third of all redemption agreements were voluntary (outside the western provinces where redemption was made mandatory in 1863), and in most of these instances no supplemental payments were involved (Hoch, “The Banking Crisis,” 815).

94. Linda Bowman, “Russia's First Income Taxes: The Effects of Modernized Taxes on Commerce and Industry, 1885-1914,” Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (Summer 1993): 257.

95. PSZ II, vol. 36, no. 36, 662, articles 185 and 186; no. 36, 663, articles 191 and 192 (19 February 1861); and vol. 54, no. 59, 250 (23 January 1879); Kovan'ko, Reforma, 201-29 and 481; Simms, “Crisis in Russian Agriculture,” 384-85.

96. Grigg, Population Growth, 47; Susan Cotts Watkins and Etienne van de Walle, “Nutrition, Mortality, and Population Size: Malthus’ Court of Last Resort,” in Hunger and History, 10-11 and 28.

97. Nifontov, Zernovoe proizvodstvo, 225.

98. Boserup, Ester, The Conditions of Agricultural Growth (Chicago: Aldine, 1965 Google Scholar; idem, Population and Technological Change: A Study of Long-term Trends (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).

99. T. R. Malthus, The Works of Thomas Robert Malthus, vol. 2, An Essay on the Principle of Population, E. A. Wrigley and David Souden, eds. (London: W. Pickering, 1986), 104, 108 and 188; and Chaianov, , “On the Theory of Non-Capitalist Economic Systems,” in The Theory of Peasant Economy, 1–28 Google Scholar.

100. Julian L. Simon, “The Effects of Population on Nutrition and Economic Well- Being,” in Hunger and History, 229.

101. Chaianov, “On the Theory,” 28; Bideleux, “Agricultural Advance,” 200-1; and Heinz-Dietrich Lowe, “Differentiation in Russian Peasant Society: Causes and Trends, 1880-1905,” in Land Commune, 165–91 Google Scholar.