Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-2l2gl Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-27T01:13:44.906Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Chapter 2 - Animacy and Agreement Restriction in Persian

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 November 2022

Get access

Summary

Introduction

The main purpose of this chapter is to study the restriction that animacy induces on verbal agreement in Persian. Namely, plural inanimate subjects may appear with the 3rd person singular/default morphology with no Number agreement as in (39).

(39) in shaye?e-ha mærdom ra [be khænde andakht-Ø]

this rumour-pl people Acc. to laughter dropped-3sg

These rumours made people laugh

In (39), the compound verb be khænde andakht, appears with the 3rd person singular morphology while the plural inanimate subject shaye?e-ha (rumours) is in plural form. To capture the verbal agreement restriction, I propose that agreement is obtained in syntax for both animate and inanimate subjects and that one of the core operations of Distributed Morphology, Impoverishment, is responsible for the restriction on subject-verb agreement in the case of plural inanimate subjects.

The restriction that animacy induces on the number agreement in Persian is somehow reminiscent of other verbal restrictions in the literature including the following:

  • •Person restrictions in Icelandic that affect nominatives in the presence of quirky dative subjects (ZMT 1985, Sigurðsson 1992-2002, Anagnostopoulou 2003, Stepanov 2003, Boeckx 2000, among others).

  • •The Person Case Constraint, (PCC) that affects accusative morphological markers in ditransitives with datives. It occurs in a large variety of languages (Bonet 1994, Anagnostopoulou 2003).

  • •Person Restrictions on nominatives in quirky constructions in Spanish (Rivero 2004- 2005).

Most of the above studies have suggested syntactic approaches to capture the agreement restriction. However, there is a recent body of literature arguing that theΦ-restrictions do not reside in syntax, but occur in post-syntactic morphology. For instance, Boeckx (2000) and Rivero (2004-2005) argue that morphology is at the core of the person restrictions in Icelandic and Spanish, and suggest morphological accounts for such restrictions. In the following sections, I first provide a summary of the syntactic and morphological accounts of the Φ- restrictions in the literature and then propose a morphological account for the Φ-restriction found in Persian in the case of inanimate subjects.

Restrictions: Syntactic vs. Morphological Accounts

In this section, I discuss several restrictions on verbal agreement including the 3rd person restriction in Icelandic in the presence of quirky subjects and Spanish quirky restriction; I also provide a summary of the syntactic and morphological treatments proposed for them.

Type
Chapter
Information
Publisher: Amsterdam University Press
Print publication year: 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×