Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of maps and tables
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- Part I A political history of Ghanaian railway unionism
- 1 The railway and harbour workers of Sekondi-Takoradi: a sociological profile
- 2 The origins and dynamics of Railway Union development
- 3 The railway workers in the nationalist movement – the meaning of political commitment
- 4 The politics of TUC reorganisation under the CPP regime
- 5 The railway workers' response to CPP socialism: the strike of 1961
- 6 The development of an independent and democratic trade union movement
- 7 The railway workers divided: the sources and structure of political conflict in the Railway Union
- Part II Class, power and ideology
- Conclusion
- Appendix: Survey questionnaire administered to a sample of railway workers at Sekondi Location
- Notes
- Bibliography of sources cited
- Index
6 - The development of an independent and democratic trade union movement
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 September 2009
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of maps and tables
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- Part I A political history of Ghanaian railway unionism
- 1 The railway and harbour workers of Sekondi-Takoradi: a sociological profile
- 2 The origins and dynamics of Railway Union development
- 3 The railway workers in the nationalist movement – the meaning of political commitment
- 4 The politics of TUC reorganisation under the CPP regime
- 5 The railway workers' response to CPP socialism: the strike of 1961
- 6 The development of an independent and democratic trade union movement
- 7 The railway workers divided: the sources and structure of political conflict in the Railway Union
- Part II Class, power and ideology
- Conclusion
- Appendix: Survey questionnaire administered to a sample of railway workers at Sekondi Location
- Notes
- Bibliography of sources cited
- Index
Summary
The Sekondi-Takoradi workers' hostility to the TUC, as expressed in the 1961 strike, derived in part, it has been argued, from particular historical and structural factors. Several other groups of workers expressed their support by striking for a day or two, and tacit sympathy for the protesters was possibly quite widespread, but, generally speaking, the TUC was firmly in control in the rest of the country. The final attempt of the Sekondi-Takoradi workers to reform the structure and orientation of the trade union movement appeared to have failed.
Yet in 1966–71, the Ghana TUC was remodelled along very much the lines advocated by the railway unionists. There were important similarities between Pobee Biney's conception of the ideal role and structure of the labour movement and that of Benjamin Bentum, secretary-general of the TUC during the whole of this latter period. To be sure, Bentum was a more moderate and cautious leader than Biney, and his policy was more closely geared to the practical requisites of both economic development and institutional survival. But, for Bentum as for Biney, the labour movement should be an independent political force, in the vanguard of the struggle for social justice and the defence of democracy. For Bentum too, if rather less clearly than for Biney, the unions should perform the role of populist spokesmen, looking to, and responsible for, a larger constituency than the unionised workers alone.
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- Information
- Class, Power and Ideology in GhanaThe Railwaymen of Sekondi, pp. 102 - 139Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1978