Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Part I Kingdom and Colony: The Mythology of Race (Pre-history to 1948)
- Part II Dominion to Republic: The Politics of Language (1948–1977)
- Part III The New Monarch: Jayewardene in Control (1977–1983)
- Chapter 3 Consolidating the New Regime
- Chapter 4 The Proliferation of Violence
- Chapter 5 Tightening the Reins
- Part IV The New Dominion: India in the Driving Seat (1983–1987)
- Part V Changing the Guard: Premadasa's Emergence (1987–1989)
- Part VI Using the Executive Presidency: Premadasa in Action (1989–1993)
- Part VII Using the Spoon: Wijetunge as President (1993–1994)
- Part VIII The Procrastination of a Princess: Kumaratunga in charge (1994–2001)
- Part IX The Baby without the Bathwater: Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister (2001–2004)
- Part X Guarding the Change: Rajapakse's Emergence (2004–2006)
- Select Bibliography
- Index
Chapter 5 - Tightening the Reins
from Part III - The New Monarch: Jayewardene in Control (1977–1983)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 November 2011
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Part I Kingdom and Colony: The Mythology of Race (Pre-history to 1948)
- Part II Dominion to Republic: The Politics of Language (1948–1977)
- Part III The New Monarch: Jayewardene in Control (1977–1983)
- Chapter 3 Consolidating the New Regime
- Chapter 4 The Proliferation of Violence
- Chapter 5 Tightening the Reins
- Part IV The New Dominion: India in the Driving Seat (1983–1987)
- Part V Changing the Guard: Premadasa's Emergence (1987–1989)
- Part VI Using the Executive Presidency: Premadasa in Action (1989–1993)
- Part VII Using the Spoon: Wijetunge as President (1993–1994)
- Part VIII The Procrastination of a Princess: Kumaratunga in charge (1994–2001)
- Part IX The Baby without the Bathwater: Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister (2001–2004)
- Part X Guarding the Change: Rajapakse's Emergence (2004–2006)
- Select Bibliography
- Index
Summary
Advancing the presidential election
By 1982 doubts about the government's capacity to carry on its economic policies successfully had begun to grow. The immediate problem was the question of continued confidence in a country where the last six elections had all seen changes of government. Donors as well as investors were clearly nervous with an election due the following year.
It was advisable to settle the electoral question early. In addition, Jayewardene had during his long career observed that in Sri Lanka the unpopularity of a government in power increased dramatically towards the end of its tenure. Under the new constitution there was, of course, a new factor: two sets of elections were to be held, for the presidency and for parliament respectively. Thus a party that controlled both could continue to exercise power through one while elections to the other were being held. As things stood, parliament was due to be dissolved in July 1983, while a presidential election was due only a few months later, Jayewardene having elevated himself to the presidency as from February 1978 for a six year term. Such a gap would not have been enough to overcome the lame duck phenomenon.
The obvious course was to dissolve parliament early, and conduct these elections while Jayewardene was still president. But what he did instead was introduce yet another amendment to the constitution, to provide for an incumbent president to stand for re-election anytime after he had served four years in office, instead of going through with the fixed term of six years.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Declining Sri LankaTerrorism and Ethnic Conlict, the Legacy of J. R. Jayewardene, pp. 61 - 74Publisher: Foundation BooksPrint publication year: 2007