Introduction

Education has occupied a pivotal position in relation to New Labour’soverall political, economic and social strategy. By 1997 it headed theElection Manifesto and was declared to be the Party’s first priority(Muschamp et al, 1999). An evaluation of policy developments in NewLabour’s ‘priority’ area at the end of its first termof office is an important component of a more general analysis of NewLabour’s welfare reforms. This chapter provides an assessment of NewLabour’s education reform by focusing on policy initiatives inrelation to ‘access’ and ‘quality’, two areasthat have taken centre stage in the government’s publicpronouncements and which are of considerable importance to an assessment ofwhether New Labour has fulfilled its election promise of providing a‘decent education for all’ (Labour Party, 1997). Our analysisconcentrates on two sectors in education: the school sector, in which reformhas been highly interventionist, and the university sector, where theapproach to reform has been relatively more cautious and respectful ofinstitutional and professional autonomy.

We begin this chapter with a discussion of why education, particularly inrelation to access and quality, has emerged as a priority area and howeducation is expected to contribute to the twin aims of‘equity’ and ‘economic development’ espoused inthe third-way political programme. In the second section of this chapter, weprovide an outline of the aims and objectives presented by New Labour to theelectorate. The third section provides an intrinsic analysis, measuring thegovernment’s achievements against its aims. The final sectioncomplements this ‘intrinsic’ evaluation by analysing thetensions and unintended consequences of various policy strands. We alsoanalyse the potential of education reforms to contribute to NewLabour’s goal of a more socially equitable and economicallycompetitive society.

Policy developments

While education has always been expected to play a part in the economic,social and political changes taking place in Britain, these expectationshave gained increasing importance in the context of the third-way politicalstrategy adopted by the New Labour government. Although there have beennumerous interpretations of the third way, it is generally agreed that itreflects an overall desire on the part of New Labour to forge a politicaland intellectual enterprise that moves beyond the traditional fault lines of‘old left’ and ‘new right’ (see Giddens, 1998,2000). One aspect that makes this approach distinctive is that economicprosperity and social inclusion are positioned simultaneously as key goalsof social policy. In this vision of a society built on social justice andcompetitiveness, education is perceived as playing a key role. The 1997Election Manifesto states that “Education remains the bedrock of theGovernment’s programme to modernise and reform the country andprovide opportunity for all”. New Labour has argued for increasedaccess to education at all levels by drawing on the argument that economicprosperity in the new ‘knowledge’ economy (see Castells, 1996)depends on raising both the degree of productivity as well as the quality ofhuman capital.