Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Introduction
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- A note on sources and abbreviations
- Bibliographical note
- I Political Writings and Speeches
- 1 Autobiographical sketch
- 2 “The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions”
- 3 Limits of Presidential Power
- 4 Speech on the Kansas–Nebraska Act
- 5 To Joshua F. Speed
- 6 Speech on the Dred Scott Decision
- 7 “A House Divided” Speech
- 8 Portion of a Speech at Edwardsville, Illinois
- 9 Seventh Lincoln–Douglas Debate
- 10 On Thomas Jefferson
- 11 Cooper Union Address
- 12 Speech at Indianapolis, Indiana
- 13 Speech at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
- 14 First Inaugural Address
- 15 Message to Congress in Special Session
- 16 Appeal to Border-State Representatives for Compensated Emancipation
- 17 Address on Colonization to a Committee of Colored Men
- 18 To Horace Greeley
- 19 Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation
- 20 Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus
- 21 Second Annual Message to Congress
- 22 Final Emancipation Proclamation
- 23 To General John A. McClernand
- 24 To Erastus Corning and Others
- 25 To Matthew Birchard and Others
- 26 To James C. Conkling
- 27 The Gettysburg Address
- 28 Third Annual Message to Congress
- 29 Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction
- 30 Reply to the New York Working-men’s Democratic Republican Association
- 31 To Albert G. Hodges
- 32 To Charles D. Robinson
- 33 Reply to a Southern Woman
- 34 “With Malice toward None”
- 35 Speech on Reconstruction
- II Notes and Fragments
- Index
18 - To Horace Greeley
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 April 2013
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Introduction
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- A note on sources and abbreviations
- Bibliographical note
- I Political Writings and Speeches
- 1 Autobiographical sketch
- 2 “The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions”
- 3 Limits of Presidential Power
- 4 Speech on the Kansas–Nebraska Act
- 5 To Joshua F. Speed
- 6 Speech on the Dred Scott Decision
- 7 “A House Divided” Speech
- 8 Portion of a Speech at Edwardsville, Illinois
- 9 Seventh Lincoln–Douglas Debate
- 10 On Thomas Jefferson
- 11 Cooper Union Address
- 12 Speech at Indianapolis, Indiana
- 13 Speech at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
- 14 First Inaugural Address
- 15 Message to Congress in Special Session
- 16 Appeal to Border-State Representatives for Compensated Emancipation
- 17 Address on Colonization to a Committee of Colored Men
- 18 To Horace Greeley
- 19 Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation
- 20 Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus
- 21 Second Annual Message to Congress
- 22 Final Emancipation Proclamation
- 23 To General John A. McClernand
- 24 To Erastus Corning and Others
- 25 To Matthew Birchard and Others
- 26 To James C. Conkling
- 27 The Gettysburg Address
- 28 Third Annual Message to Congress
- 29 Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction
- 30 Reply to the New York Working-men’s Democratic Republican Association
- 31 To Albert G. Hodges
- 32 To Charles D. Robinson
- 33 Reply to a Southern Woman
- 34 “With Malice toward None”
- 35 Speech on Reconstruction
- II Notes and Fragments
- Index
Summary
After the abolitionist editor Horace Greeley published “The Prayer of Twenty Millions” in The New York Tribune (August 20, 1862), an open letter urging the president to use his power to emancipate all American slaves, Lincoln replied in a letter published five days later. Lincoln says that his “paramount object” is not to free the slaves but to save the Union, and he would free none, all, or some slaves only if that would further that higher end. He had already drafted the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (see selection 19), and used his widely publicized reply to Greeley to prepare the public for its release.
Hon. Horace Greeley:
Executive Mansion, Washington
August 22, 1862
Dear Sir
I have just read yours of the 19th addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and here, argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.
As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.
I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.
. . .
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- LincolnPolitical Writings and Speeches, pp. 147 - 148Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2012
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