Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures
- Preface
- Acknowledgements
- List of Abbreviations
- Notes on Transliteration and Translation
- 1 Introduction
- 2 The ‘Tribal Question’ in India: Problem of Inclusion
- 3 The Emergence of Mizo Nationalism: The Formative Phase
- 4 The Mizo National Front and the Vernacularization of Nationalism
- 5 Violence, Counter-Insurgency, and the Transcript of Resistance
- 6 Discord, Accord, and the Politics for Peace
- 7 Conclusion
- Glossary
- References
- Index
2 - The ‘Tribal Question’ in India: Problem of Inclusion
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 April 2023
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures
- Preface
- Acknowledgements
- List of Abbreviations
- Notes on Transliteration and Translation
- 1 Introduction
- 2 The ‘Tribal Question’ in India: Problem of Inclusion
- 3 The Emergence of Mizo Nationalism: The Formative Phase
- 4 The Mizo National Front and the Vernacularization of Nationalism
- 5 Violence, Counter-Insurgency, and the Transcript of Resistance
- 6 Discord, Accord, and the Politics for Peace
- 7 Conclusion
- Glossary
- References
- Index
Summary
The years between 1947 and 1949 were crucial periods in the history of nationbuilding in India. It was during this period that the integration of the princely states and the tribal regions was undertaken. Across the country, numerous concessions were made to integrate the princely states into the Indian Union through the signing of the Instrument of Accession. There was a mixed response to the integration plan, with some princely states opposing it while others complied without much difficulty. Regardless, the process of integrating the vast geographic regions was regarded as a ‘success’. At the same time, large parts of the regions inhabited by communities identified as tribals were loosely administered with certain provisions for self-rule during the colonial period. In the northeast region itself, the tribal regions, which constituted the major geographic area, were put under ‘partially excluded areas’ and ‘excluded areas’.
The STs in India constitute about 8.6 per cent of the total population, which comprises about 32 million of the country's total population. The population of tribes was much smaller during the early decades of independence, making up only a mere 6.23 per cent in the first census of 1951 in post-independent India. Whereas it is generally understood that the terms ‘STs’ and ‘tribes’ are a legacy of colonial rule, the communities identified have embraced them as a means of self-identification. Today, the term ‘tribe’ connotes both an official category of the state as well as community self-identification. The making of the tribal citizen in post-independent India saw how tribes have creatively used the colonial and anthropological discourse to advance their identity and political rights (Upadhya 2011).
At the dawn of India's independence, the ‘tribal question’ was framed between two opposing positions—the integrationist and the isolationist, or the widely known Ghurye–Elwin debate (K. S. Singh 1982; R. Guha 1996). G. S. Ghurye advocated for the gradual assimilation of tribes within the Hindu fold, while Verrier Elwin saw such efforts as a direct threat to the survival of the tribes and hence pleaded for isolating the tribes. The debate has occupied centre stage within both academia and policy concerning tribes, particularly during the years between 1920 and 1950—that is, up to the Constituent Assembly (CA) debates that saw divergent positions around the ‘tribal question’. The debate emerged out of the national anxiety over the question of integration expressed by nationalist leaders.
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- Nationalism in the VernacularState, Tribes, and Politics of Peace in Northeast India, pp. 30 - 47Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2023