Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
8 - Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 March 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
Summary
If freedom and institutions are no bulwark against economic inequality, political violence, and the abuse of power, what remains? There remains the civic virtue of the citizens who are willing to defend the common good over personal advantage, that is, the practice of political forbearance and the willingness to resist the lure of undue private financial gain, violence against fellow citizens, and excessive political power. By the Late Republic, the Romans had built up a strong tradition of civic virtue. Many of the stories the Romans told about themselves were meant to provide examples of civic virtue, and although many of these stories were from the dim past or overly romanticized, they instructed generations of Romans to put the public good over private gain.
No story exemplified this better than the account of the dictatorship of Cincinnatus in 458 BCE. First, it should be noted that the Romans had a constitutional office of dictator that they would turn to in times of emergency, usually after a foreign army soundly defeated a Roman army. The dictator, as we might suspect, had broad powers; the Romans therefore put as many constraints on the dictator as possible while also giving him wide latitude to accomplish the necessary task. Therefore, the senate had to issue a decree authorizing the consuls to nominate a dictator, who was often then recognized formally by an assembly of the people, thereby giving consent to the broad powers. In addition, the dictator had a deputy, the master of horse, who was not necessarily the dictator's political ally. Lastly, the dictator was given six months to address the emergency; if he had not done so within that time, his office was up and other means were taken. We might imagine that an unscrupulous dictator could hold onto his power and use it to become master of the Roman people. The Romans were aware of this possibility too, but for over four hundred years, no dictator ever abused his power in this way, at least for long.
In 458 BCE, the Sabines and Aequi had defeated Roman armies in the field, and there was need for a reliable commander. The current consul was deemed unfit for the task at hand, but Cincinnatus, now in retirement, had been an accomplished politician and general.
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- On the Fall of the Roman RepublicLessons for the American People, pp. 39 - 44Publisher: Anthem PressPrint publication year: 2022