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Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Acknowledgements
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of tables and figures
- Foreword
- Introduction
- One Social work in the era of neoliberalism and austerity
- Two Class, poverty and inequality
- Three Advanced marginality and stigma
- Four Welfare, punishment and neoliberalism
- Five Poverty, inequality and contemporary social work
- Six Reimagining a social state
- Conclusion
- References
- Index
Five - Poverty, inequality and contemporary social work
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 April 2022
- Frontmatter
- Acknowledgements
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of tables and figures
- Foreword
- Introduction
- One Social work in the era of neoliberalism and austerity
- Two Class, poverty and inequality
- Three Advanced marginality and stigma
- Four Welfare, punishment and neoliberalism
- Five Poverty, inequality and contemporary social work
- Six Reimagining a social state
- Conclusion
- References
- Index
Summary
Context of contemporary social work practice
This chapter begins with a consideration of the broader current position of social work. It is important to begin with a clear statement outlining the fundamentals of the approach adopted here. Poverty and inequality are fundamental issues of social justice and human rights. As such, they are legitimate and appropriate areas for social work concern. My analysis is informed by Fraser (1995), who identifies two distinct but interrelated forms of stratification in modern societies. The first is the unequal distribution of economic resources. The second Webb (2010, p 2365) outlines thus: a ‘cultural order of recognition relations – relating to gender, ethnicity, age and sexuality – that generate inequalities of status.’ Within this cultural order, the status of being poor or living in poverty has increasingly taken on the form of a cultural identity. As Chapter 3 illustrates, it is a marginalised status that has had a whole series of stereotypical views ascribed to it. Following Fraser (1995), I argue that these orders of stratification and recognition are distinct, but they are also inseparable:
Even the most material economic institutions have a constitutive, irreducible cultural dimension; they are shot through with significations and norms. Conversely, even the most discursive cultural practices have a constitutive, irreducible political economic dimension; they are underpinned by material supports. (Fraser, 1995, p 720)
It is impossible to separate the development of policies such as austerity that target the poor and marginalised without examining how those groups are consistently represented within the discourses of popular culture. As argued in previous chapters, shame and experiences of humiliation are consistent features of the daily lives of those who are marginalised from mainstream society. These may take physical and other forms, as reported by Crisis (Sanders and Albanese, 2016, p 2):
• More than one in three have been deliberately hit, kicked, or experienced some other form of violence while homeless.
• Over one in three (34%) have had things thrown at them.
• Almost one in 10 (9%) have been urinated on while homeless. More than one in 20 (7%) have been the victim of a sexual assault.
• Almost half (48%) have been intimidated or threatened with violence whilst homeless.
• Six in 10 (59%) have been verbally abused or harassed.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Poverty, Inequality and Social WorkThe Impact of Neoliberalism and Austerity Politics on Welfare Provision, pp. 101 - 128Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2018