Different quantifiers, different scopes

In Chapter 2 we discussed the classical notion of scope, stressing its semantic core and the freedom in its grammatical implementation. What we did not ask is how well the predictions of the classical theory (Montague, May, Hendriks, etc.) match up with the data. One feature of the classical theory is that it treats all quantifier phrases alike. Thus, as soon as two expressions are deemed to be quantifier phrases they are predicted to exhibit the same scope behavior. Also, nothing but a stipulation prevents quantifier phrases from scoping out of their clauses, and the stipulation makes all of them clause-bounded. Unfortunately, these predictions are not borne out. The following small sample of data will drive this home.

In (1)–(2) the prepositional object every show easily scopes over the subject, but more than one show does not:

1. (1) More than one soprano sings in every show.

2. ok ‘every show has more than one (potentially different) soprano in it’

3. (2) Every soprano sings in more than one show.

4. #‘more than one show has every soprano in it’

In (3)–(4) the direct objects a famous soprano and more than one famous soprano may scope over the negation, but in (5) every famous soprano cannot:

1. (3) Zdenka did not greet a famous soprano.

2. ok ‘there is a famous soprano who Zdenka did not greet’

3. (4) Zdenka did not greet more than one famous soprano.

4. ok ‘there is more than one famous soprano who Zdenka did not greet’

5. […]