Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-5lx2p Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-27T19:30:11.284Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

6 - Stop AGREEing! Keep Moving!

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 July 2009

Norbert Hornstein
Affiliation:
University of Maryland, College Park
Get access

Summary

Introduction

The basic operations hypothesis limned in the earlier chapters does not include a feature checking procedure. This is an important omission, especially against the adopted minimalist background. Agreement in various forms has been a staple of minimalist analyses from the outset. Indeed, it has been a feature of every generative approach to grammar. The reason for this is that agreement phenomena are ubiquitous within natural language. Subjects agree with predicates, antecedents with their dependents, subordinate tenses with matrix tenses, modifiers with modifiees, etc. It is hard to find a grammar of a language that does not spend considerable time on its agreement patterns. As a result, at pain of descriptive inadequacy, every theory of grammar must contain an operation that generates agreement structures.

Minimalist grammars do so as well, but with two twists. First, agreement is now an important operation and not just a widespread phenomenon. In particular, since Chomsky (1993), minimalists have assumed that operations apply because they must, not because they can (e.g. as in GB). This is canonized in the Principle of Greed, which requires that operations check (uninterpretable) features when they apply. As agreement is the process that checks features, minimalist approaches take it to be a central operation of the grammar. Second, in more recent minimalist analyses, agreement is understood to be, in some sense, more basic than movement in that Move is a composite operation that contains agreement as a sub-part.

Type
Chapter
Information
A Theory of Syntax
Minimal Operations and Universal Grammar
, pp. 126 - 154
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2008

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×