Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-rkxrd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-23T07:38:12.238Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

5 - Movement and minimality effects

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 June 2012

Norbert Hornstein
Affiliation:
University of Maryland, College Park
Jairo Nunes
Affiliation:
Universidade de São Paulo
Kleanthes K. Grohmann
Affiliation:
University of Cyprus
Get access

Summary

Introduction

In chapter 3 we examined the reasoning that points to the conclusion that arguments are θ-marked within a lexical projection. In particular, we discussed several pieces of evidence for the Predicate-Internal Subject Hypothesis (PISH), according to which external arguments are θ-marked within a verbal projection. Under the PISH, he in (1), for instance, receives its θ-role when it merges with V′ or v′, depending on whether one assumes a single VP-shell or a double VP-shell involving a light verb v (see section 3.3), as respectively shown in (2).

  1. (1) He greeted her.

  2. (2) a. he + Merge [V′ greeted her] →

  3. [VP he [V′ greeted her]]

  4. b. he + Merge [v′v [VP greeted her]] →

  5. [vP he [v′v [VP greeted her]]]

In chapter 4, in turn, we discussed conceptual and empirical arguments for the proposal that by LF, DPs must uniformly check their structural Case requirements outside the domains where they are θ-marked. More specifically, we discussed two possible scenarios depending on the choice between the theoretical possibilities in (2), as respectively illustrated in the simplified representations in (3).

Under the single-VP-shell approach sketched in (3a), the subject argument moves to [Spec,AgrSP] at some point in the derivation to check its nominative Case, and the object moves to [Spec,AgrOP] to check its accusative Case.

Type
Chapter
Information
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2005

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×