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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 August 2021
I appreciate this opportunity to document the long struggle of the Mozambican people for independence and to examine United States policies in response to their quest for self-determination. Within this broad framework, I would like to focus on the long-range goals of FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front), the hostile position of the United States toward the liberation movement, and the achievements of the transitional government during the past year. In conclusion I will recommend some fundamental policy changes which are necessary if the United States is to adopt a progressive posture toward Southern Africa.
1 For the most penetrating analysis of lusotropicalism yet written, see Gerald, Bender, “The Myth and Reality of Portuguese Rule in Angola’. A Study of Racial Domination” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1975)Google Scholar.
2 For a discussion of the long tradition of resistance in Mozambique, see Allen, Isaacman, The Anti-Colonial Legacy in Mozambique: A Study of Zambesian Resistance (Berkeley and London, 1976)Google Scholar.
3 Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, , “Constitution” (Cairo?, 1962). The FRELIMO constitution is reprinted in Ronald, Chilcote, ed.. Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa (Stanford, 1972), pp. 429-31Google Scholar.
4 United Nations General Assembly, A/AC.109/L.919, “Mozambique,” 8 February 1974.
5 For a thorough discussion of military support provided by NATO and the U.S., see William, Minter, Portuguese Africa and the West (New York, 1972), pp. 100-13Google Scholar.
6 Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, “Constitution.”
7 Samora, Machel, “Samora Machel Addresses the Nation,” Southern Africa, 7 (1974), p. 10 Google Scholar.
8 For an interesting set of articles analyzing the economic implications of the export of Mozambican labor to the South African gold mines, see The Johannesburg Star, 13 July 1974.
9 Machel, “Machel Addresses the Nation,” p. 7.
10 Eduardo, Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique (Baltimore, 1969)Google Scholar; John, Saul, “FRELIMO and the Mozambican Revolution,” Essays on the Political Economy of Africa, Giovannia, Arrighi and John, Saul, eds. (New York, 1973), p. 385 Google Scholar.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid., pp. 114-27. For a carefully documented analysis of increasing Western European and American investment in Mozambique, see United States General Assembly, A/9623, “Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,” pp. 50-81.
13 Minter, Portuguese Africa.
14 For a penetrating analysis of NSSM 39, see Edgar, Lockwood, “National Security Study Memorandum 39 and the Future of United States Policy Toward South Africa,” Issue, 4 (1974), pp. 63–70 Google Scholar.
15 See The London Observer, 23 March 1975, for a discussion of Gumane’s links to the United States Embassy in Zambia.
16 For an important discussion of the Portuguese failure to create major ethnic divisions within Mozambique, see Edward A., Alpers, “Ethnicity, Politics and History,” Africa Today, 21 (1974), pp. 39–52 Google Scholar.
17 For a carefully documented discussion of Mozambique’s economic dependence on South Africa, see Jennifer Davis, “Mozambique 1974-A New Phase of the Struggle,’ ” Complex of United States-Portuguese Relations: Before and After the Coup, Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the House of Representatives, Washington, 14 March 1974 and 8, 9, and 24 October 1974, pp. 74-83.
18 Quoted in The Financial Times, 30 January 1975.
19 Reported in The Sunday Times of London, 2 February 1975.
