Abrahams, Cass. Culture and cuisine of the Cape Malays. Cape Town, Metz Publishers, illus. 80pp. 1995. Kashiefa Abrahams introduces each section with a brief explanation regarding the dietary procedures and habits of the Muslims. She includes various types of Malay dishes, which are served at specific functions and particular periods.Google Scholar

Adhikari, Mohamed. Identity and assimilation in the Malay community of the 19th Century Cape Town. Titled in the workshop as: ‘“Neither Black nor White” the subsisting of Malay Ethnicity under Coloured Identity’. Unpublished History of Cape Town - Work in Progress - Workshop Proceedings Paper: UCT. 26pp. November 1989. Seeks to explain why Malays came to be subsumed under the broader coloured identity and why, unlike the Khoisan and Bastards, they retained a separate identity within the umbrella of coloured group consciousness.Google Scholar

Ajam, Mogamed Taslim. ‘Culture conservation in South Africa - the Muslim's perspective’, in The conservation of culture: changing context and challenges, ed. Coetzee, I. & van der Waal, G-M. Pretoria: Proceedings of the South African Conference on Conservation and Culture, pp.198–208, June 1988. Defines the concept of ‘culture’ and relates it to the way it functions within the dominant (European) and non-dominant cultures (Islamic) at the Cape. As an example to illustrate his point, he discusses the Muslim schools as cultural milestones. He ends his presentation by looking at the goals and structures for culture conservation and its regional interests.Google Scholar

Aldridge, B. ‘Cape Malays in Action’, Quarterly bulletin of the South African Library. 27, 1972, 24–26. Comments on Vogelgezang's 1846 ‘List of Cape Burgher Force Volunteers, Malay and Liberated African Corps Burgerforce of Cape District’, which forms part of the Grey Collection. He shows the role the Cape Malays played in the frontier wars and describes some of their characteristics during their period of service.Google Scholar

Ali, Shukri Mat & Abdul Rahman, Kamaruddin. ‘Orang Melayu, di Afrika Selatan’ Mastika 48(6), June 1990, 23–25.Google Scholar

Anon. The Cape Malays: an essay. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema. 1883. This essay, written by an unknown Cape colonist, focuses upon the ancestry, description and the (then) position of the Malays. It concludes with an appeal to the Christians to evangelise the ‘coloured races’.Google Scholar

Anon. The story of a Malay as told by himself. Cape Town: J.H. Rose & J.M. Belinfante, 1878. This booklet, which is written by the unknown Abdullah ben Yusuf, is an account of a Malay boy and his criticisms of his culture and religion. It may also be regarded as a missionary tract.Google Scholar

Anon. The Cape Malays: The development of a Muslim community in South Africa. School of Oriental & African Studies (London University) Seminar Paper. 8 January 1970.Google Scholar

Anon. ‘Malays of Port Elizabeth’, Looking back. 19, June 1979, 57–58. The writer, who uses the pseudonym ‘khatib’, gives a brief account of the Malays in the city of Port Elizabeth.Google Scholar

Anon. ‘A Malay Wedding’, Lantern, 40(3) August 199, 25–26.Google Scholar

Anon. Donations of Afrikaans religious books in the Arabic script, Quarterly bulletin of the South African Library 40, 1985, 2–3, 43(1), 1989, 3-4; 44, 1990, 83-84.Google Scholar

Anon. ‘Manuskrip Melayu di Afrika Selatan.’ In Warkah Manuskrip Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Archives. 2, 1–2, 1993. Brief article about Malay manuscripts at the Cape.Google Scholar

Arnold, J.M. Kind words and loving counsel to the Malays and other Moslems. Cape Town: Murray & St. Ledger, 1879. This slim publication is the work of a Christian missionary and it contains words of advice to the Malays.Google Scholar

Aspeling, E. The Malays of Cape Town. Cape Town, Richards. 1883. 18pp. Gives a description of the Cape Malays. It is considered a plagiarised text, which was prepared by Lightfoot.Google Scholar

Bouwer, A. Abdoltjie: Ses Verhaaltjies oor ‘n Maleiertjie van die Kaap. Cape Town: Tafelberg Uitgewers. 1958; and reprint in 1977. A collection of six stories pertaining to a Malay boy at the Cape.Google Scholar

Bradlow, Frank R. & Cairns, Margaret. The early Cape Muslims: a study of their mosques, genealogy and origins. Cape Town, A.A. Balkema, 1978.117pp + appendix pp118-137. This book is divided into three parts. The first deals with the history of the Awwal (first) Mosque in Cape Town. Other mosques in the area are also described and illustrated. The second reconstructs the genealogy of the Achmat Gamja family who are closely connected to the Awwal Mosque. The last examines the governmental records in order to establish the origins of the Cape Muslims. See Naude's review in Journal for Islamic studies, 1, 1981, 84-86, and Colborne's in South African international, 16, 1985, 98-101.Google Scholar

Bradlow, Muhammad Adil. Islam, the colonial state and South African history: the 1886 Cemetery Uprising. Unpublished History BA Honours Thesis: UCT. 268pp. 1985. Examines the causes and course of events that culminated in what has been termed the ‘Cemetery Uprising of 1886’ and it seeks to situate this particular event within an understanding of the development of the Cape Muslim Community up to the period under analysis. In chapter one he critiques the major South African historiographical traditions in order to place (chapter two) the 1886 cemetery uprising, as well as developments within the Muslim Community and Cape Colonial Society, in a general historical context. Chapter three closely examines the struggle between the Muslim Community and the broader colonial society, and chapter four undertakes an analytical study of the uprising itself. It concludes with a critical comment upon its significance and implications for the future course of development for the Cape Muslims. Ebrahim Salie, a researcher and former teacher, in his 11-page Critique, critically reviewed the thesis. His critique covered four aspects. The first is what he termed ‘An Anti-Traditional Perspective’; the second ‘A Bradlow's Categorisation of I.D. Du Plessis, R.C-H Shell and A. Davids revisited’; the third ‘Clarifying Concepts’ and lastly ‘Historical inaccuracies’.Google Scholar

Carse, T. ‘When the Malays came down Signal Hill’, Alpha, 9(8) October 1971, 16–20.Google Scholar

Chambers, Robin. The Ratiep: a study of ritual and culture. Unpublished Social Anthropology BA Honours Thesis: UCT. 57pp. November 1985. The first part of the thesis deals with an historical approach to the Ratiep. The second documents and analyses the ceremony. The third uses interviews in order to comprehend the subjective experience of performers and to understand the relation of the Ratiep to Malay Culture.Google Scholar

Cilliers, J.L. Die ‘Pastoraat’ in die Islam met spesifieke verwysing na die Maleier-Moslem in Suid-Afrika. Unpublished Missiology Licentiate Thesis: US. 77pp. November 1979. Undertakes a study of pastoral work amongst the Coloured Muslims. Provides a brief history of the South African Muslims and discusses the role of the mosque in the South African setting. Analyses and assesses pastoral care within the various Islamic institutions.Google Scholar

Cook, Pauline Mary. A Mosque at Zandvlei near Faure: Cape of Good Hope. Unpublished B. Arch. Thesis: UCT. illus. 123pp. 1967. Prefaces the study by bringing into focus the socio-cultural practices of the Cape Malays and describing the tombs of the holy circle in the Cape. Discusses the philosophy of Islam and its architecture and thereafter provides a comparative study of some of the Cape mosques as well as those in Muslim countries. Focuses upon the proposed Shrine and Mosque of Shaykh Yusuf.Google Scholar

Da Costa, Yusuf & Davids, Achmat. Pages from Cape Muslim History. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter, 194. xi, 182pp. illus. This publication consists of nine articles, some of which had previously been published by both Da Costa and Davids. The first article is Da Costa's ‘The Early Cape Muslims…’. This is followed by the reproduction of S.E. Dangor's writings, namely ‘In the footsteps of the companions: Shaykh Yusuf of Macassar (1626-1699)’. Davids’ article ‘Alternative Education: Tuan Guru and the formation of the Cape Muslim Community’ followed by his ‘My Religion is superior to the Law…’. Further articles by Davids, namely ‘Imam Achmat Sadick Achmat (1813-1879): imam, soldier, politician and educator’ and ‘The origins of the Hanafi-Shafi dispute and the impact of Abu Bakr Effendi (1835-1880)’ are included under Chapters five and six respectively. The last three articles are entitled ‘From Social cohesion to religious discord:…’, ‘The Hifz tradition at the Cape:…’ and “The influence of tasawwuf on Islamic practices at the Cape’; all written by Da Costa. The book has a few maps, a number of photographs and a useful index and glossary of Arabic terms. See Aslam Fataar's review in Muslim views, June 1994 and J.A. Naude's review in Journal for Islamic studies, 14, 1994, 207-209, and Haron's in Kronos, 23, November 199, 165-167.Google Scholar

D'Arcy, M. Cassiem. The search for cultural identity amongst the Cape Muslims of Malay origin. Unpublished World Malay Assembly Conference paper. Shah Alam: Institut Perkembangan Minda. 12pp. September 1996. Dr. D'Arcy, a medical practitioner by training, gives a personal account of his interest in the connection between the Cape Muslims/Malays and Southeast Asia.Google Scholar

D'Arcy, M. Cassiem. The golden kris. Cape Town, Macmillan Longman, 1988. 109pp. This text for young adult readers is an adventure story laced with the origins of the Cape Malays.Google Scholar

D'Arcy, M. Cassiem. Tolly: hero of Hanover Park. Cape Town, Macmillan Longman, 1989. 132pp. Contains snippets of Cape Malay history, and mainly focuses upon life in one of the Cape Town Coloured townships.Google Scholar

D'Arcy, M. Cassiem. Rage of the seawind. Cape Town. 1996. Highlights the plight of a Malay fisherman, namely Pang (Pawang), who relates morsels of Cape Muslim history; it documents the family's struggle for survival.Google Scholar

Davids, Achmat. The Mosques of Bo-Kaap: a social history of Islam at the Cape. Cape Town: The South African Institute of Arabic and Islamic Research, 1980. xviii, 236pp. illus. Endeavours to reconstruct 19th century Cape Muslim history. It sees the mosque as a conglomeration of Culture, the centre of community activity, and assesses the historical events in terms of their influence on the mosque and vice versa. The mosques of the Bo-Kaap played an important role in the structure and consolidation of Islam at the Cape. In unravelling the story of Bo-Kaap there emerge some very important Cape Muslim personages and the book attempts to restore some of their glory. This book is an effort at projecting their history and their contribution to the developing culture of Cape Town. The book is divided into 12 chapters. In addition it has a lengthy foreword by Prof. Habib ul Haq Nadvi, Head of the Department of Arabic, Urdu and Persian at UD-W, an introduction, notes and references section, a bibliography, annexures and an index. See Naude's review in Journal for Islamic Studies, 2, 1982, 70-73; and Irving's in Arabic Studies, 6, 1982, 120-125 & reprint in Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 5, 1984, 249-252 and Colborne's in South African international 16, 1985, 98-101.Google Scholar

Davids, Achmat. ‘The revolt of the Malays: a study of the reaction of the Cape Muslims to the smallpox epidemics of the nineteenth century’ pp. 47-79 in Studies in the History of Cape Town. Centre of African Studies, University of Cape Town, 1984. Looks at the reasons for the Cape Malay revolt against the health regulations which were designed and implemented in order to contain the spread of variola during the various 19th century epidemics in Cape Town. Studies the health management of Cape Town during the same period. Postulates that the smallpox epidemic gave rise to the idea of terminal segregation on racial lines.Google Scholar

Davids, Achmat. ‘Words the Cape Slave made: a socio-historical linguistic study’ in South African journal of linguistics. 8, 1990, 1–24. ‘Although I am critical of the philological approaches to an understanding of the origin of Afrikaans, this article is not entirely free from such an approach. The words the slaves made are looked into through an examination of the social milieu in which those words were made, as well as the processes of acculturation which took place in that milieu and gave rise to new cultural traits; and the agglutination of these traits in a matrix with a definite theological philosophy acting as base. In a sense, it is a study of the internal history of Cape slavery. The languages, from which the slave words were made, the literary traditions of these languages, and their influence on the literacy of the slaves, are investigated. I also explore the theological philosophy and the literacy processes that were perpetuated through a slave education system, which resulted in a rapid growth of a Cape slave culture, but which also resulted in a distinctive literary tradition called ‘Arabic-Afrikaans’. Finally, the attitude of the descendants of the slaves, the Cape Muslims, towards the nineteenth century Cape Dutch from which Afrikaans emerged, is discussed. Some interesting questions in this regard are raised, without conclusive answers being provided, and I end with a plea for a less formal Afrikaans, depoliticised and free to be used as a language of expression for a South African nation.’ [Abstract].CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Davids, Achmat. The Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims from 1815-1915: A Socio-Linguistic Study. Unpublished Afrikaans MA Thesis: UN. xiii, 340pp. December 1991. Looks at the Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims from 1815 until 1915. Examines various aspects of this Afrikaans in order to evoke awareness of Cape Muslim Afrikaans and to draw attention to the literary tradition of Arabic Afrikaans. The introductory chapter defines some of the concepts such as Arabic-Afrikaans, Tajwid, etc. and outlines the thesis's structure. The second describes the emergence of the Cape Muslim's culture and literary tradition. The third evaluates their Afrikaans literature between 1845 and 1915. In the fourth it focuses upon the writing and spelling of Afrikaans in the Arabic script, and discusses the writing of Arabic and Arabic-Afrikaans in the Roman script.Google Scholar

De Graaf, H.J. ‘De Herkomst van die Kaapse Chalifah’, Tydskrif vir wetenskap en kuns, 10, 1950, 112–115. Describes the Khalifah display at the Cape.Google Scholar

De Lima, J. S. The Chalifa question: documents connected with the matter. Cape Town: Van de Sandt & De Villiers & Co., 1857.xiii, 57pp.Google Scholar

Desai, Desmond. An investigation into the influence of the Cape Malay child's cultural heritage on his taste in appreciating music, with a proposed adaptation of the music curricula in South African schools to reflect a possible application of Cape Malay music therein. Unpublished Music Masters Thesis: UCT, September 1983.vii, 387pp. Cape Malay music is a repertory of Music which includes types and styles of sacred and secular music. Chapter 1 sketches a historical background of the Cape Malays; Chapter 2 focuses upon the cultural foundations of their music; Chapter 3 concentrates upon special ceremonies and social events involving Malay music and Chapter 4 devotes itself to aspects of form and style in Cape Malay music. Chapters 5 and 6 are concerned with the application of Malay music in schools and where it can be included in the music education syllabus. Chapters 7 & 8 analyse the answers to a circulated questionnaire and the ideas as to how Malay music could be taught.Google Scholar

Desai, Desmond. ‘“Cape Malay” Music’, pp. 39-44 in 5th Annual International Symposium on Ethnomusicology, ed. A. Tracey. Rhodes, International Library of African Music - Rhodes University, 1985. Discusses ‘Malay’ music and asks three fundamental questions: What is the phenomenon? How does it manifest itself and why does it occur? Attempts to answer these and goes on to specific instruments, which are used, namely the ghamma, rebanna, tamarien and ra'king. Concludes by briefly reflecting upon the Cape Malays’ secular and sacred musical styles.Google Scholar

Desai, Desmond. The Ratiep art form of South African Muslims. Unpublished Doctoral Music Thesis. University of Natal, 1994.Google Scholar

Dixon, Leng. Malay and Cape sketches. Cape Town, Maskew Miller, 1952 20pp. Sixteen sketches are reproduced. Some of them are oil paintings.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. Die Bydraes van die Kaapse Maleier tot die Afrikaanse Volkslied. Cape Town: Nasionale Pers, 1935 172pp. The Cape Malay's contribution towards the Afrikaner anthem.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. Die Vlammende Fez. Cape Town, Unie-Volkpers. 1943. 63pp. Smith Le Roux accompanies this collection of poetry with illustrations. The title of this collection is taken from the last poem. The 10 other poems are: Muezzin, In die Slamse Buurt, Roggebaai, Liedjie, Ramadan, Karamat, Kaalvoet Klonkie, Doekoen, Gebed van die Bose, Beswering, Chalifah, Karnaval and Katrina. All the poems relate to the socio-cultural life of the Cape Muslims.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. Tales from the Malay Quarter. Cape Town, Maskew Miller, 1945. A collection of short stories and tales from the Malay community.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. Cape Malay songs and legends. Cape Town, A.A. Balkema. 1949. A collection of songs and legends which were circulating amongst the Cape Malays.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. & Lückhoff, C.A. The Malay Quarter & Its People. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema, 1953. (Race Relations Series No. 1) 91pp. Contains 188 pictures (on 171 plates) from black and white photographs of the Malay Quarter, types and ceremonies; and fifteen coloured pictures. The 91 pages of text include four chapters: The Malay Quarter and its People; Religion in Practice; Customs and Traditions and Modern Western Society.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. Die Maleise Samelewing aan die Kaap. Cape Town, Nasionale Pers, 1939. 93pp. & summarised reprint, Lantern. 3(1) June-August 1953, 64-69. Describes the social life of the Cape Malays.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. “The Cape Malays’, Libertas, 4(8), 1958, 38–45. Describes the Cape Malays and considers Islam to be the chief force behind their distinctive character.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. “The Cape Malays’, pp.67-69 in South African scene. Pretoria, State Information Office, 1964(?). Describes the customs of the Cape Malays in Cape Town.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. ‘Die Bydrae van die Kaapse Malaiers tot die Afrikaanse Kultuur.’ In Kultuurgeskiedenis van die Afrikaner. Cape Town: Nasionale Boekhandel [ed. P. de V. Piennaar]. pp.80–84, 1968.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, I.D. Versamelde Verse. Cape Town: Nasionale Pers. 104pp. 1970. The first 37 pages include poems with reference to the east and the Cape Malays. Most of these have previously been published.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. ‘The Cape Malays.’ In Standard Encyclopaedia of Southern Africa. Cape Town: Nasou Ltd. illus.7:145–150, 1972.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Izak D. The Cape Malays. Cape Town: Maskew Miller Limited, illus. 93pp. 1944; repr. 2nd edition 97pp. 1945; and reprint by A. A. Balkema. 1972. The book outlines the origin and history of the Malays in the first chapter. In the second it deals with their religion and the third focuses upon their customs and traditions. The fourth introduces what has been termed ‘Malay Magic’. The fifth describes the Malay Quarter and the final chapter questions the future of the Malays in Cape Town.Google Scholar

Du Plessis, Theo L. ‘Die Maleier-Afrikaanse Taalbeweging.’ In Afrikaans in Beweging. Bloemfontein: Patnors. Ch. 3 pp. 29–35, 1986. Provides an overview of the Cape Malays’ contribution towards Afrikaans.Google Scholar

Du Toit, D.S. ‘n Paar Kaaps-Maleise volksliedere en hul Nederlandse en Afrikaanse bronvorms: ‘n teksvergelyking. Unpublished Afrikaans MA Thesis: UCT. 1948. A comparative textual study of a few Cape Malay songs and their Dutch and Afrikaans sources.Google Scholar

Emms, Mervyn. ‘The Malayan Kris and its relationship to the Cape.’ In Lantern, illus. 28(1): 42–50, December 1978. The article concentrates upon the Malayan Kris, which had had a subtle influence upon Cape Muslim history. It alludes to the role it played in early Cape history and thereafter describes the various types of krises and how they were forged.Google Scholar

Franken, J.L.M. ‘Vertolking aan die Kaap in Maleis en Portugees’ and ‘Maleise en Portugese relikte aan die Kaap van vandag.’ In Taalhistoriese Bydraes [ed. J.L.M. Franken]. Cape Town & Amsterdam: A.A. Balkema. pp.41–79 & 116-143, 1953. Interpretation and translation at the Cape in Malay and Portuguese. And Malay and Portuguese relics at the Cape today.Google Scholar

Fransen, Hans & Mary Alexander Cook. ‘The Malay Quarter.’ In The Old Buildings of the Cape. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema. illus. pp.63–68, 1980. The article forms part of the Cape Town City section and it describes numerous old buildings in the Cape. It highlights a number of the mosques in the area, and its information is extracted from previous research done at the Cape by individuals such as Frank Bradlow.Google Scholar

Freeman, L.T. A Cultural Centre for the Malay Quarter. Unpublished B. Arch. Thesis: UCT. illus. 75pp. 1970. Outlines the purpose of the project. Brings into focus the origins of community centres. Highlights the history, religion and customs of the Cape Malays. Summarises the Cape City Council's rehabilitation proposals. Describes the religious, cultural and welfare institutions. Analyses the facilities and argues for the choice of the location.Google Scholar

Frost, Anna. The Cape Malay Quarter in South African Painting. Unpublished History of Art MA Thesis: UP. 109pp. November 1970. Frost critically assesses the ‘Malay Quarter’ paintings of a few South African artists, namely Hugo Naude, Nita Spilhaus, Ruth Prowse, Harry Stratford Caldecott, Gregoire Boonzaaier, Pieter Wenning Irma Stern, Alfred Krenz & Harry Trevor. Their depictions of the Malay Quarter contribute to the development of painting in South Africa.Google Scholar

Gassiep, Mohammad Abied. 54 Nederlandse Volkliedjies soos deur Maleiers gesing. Johannesburg 1942; and reprint Cape Town 1950. A description is provided by R.F. regarding Gassiep's collection of Dutch songs sung by Malays in Quarterly Bulletin of the South African Library 44(3):83-84, March 1990.Google Scholar

Gerber, Hilda. Traditional Cookery of the Cape Malays: Food customs and 200 years old recipes. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema. illus. 2nd ed. 127pp. 1958. The revised and updated edition deals with a number of Malay cooking recipes and includes a number of illustrations prepared by K. Harries.Google Scholar

Greeff, J.B. Die gebruik van Arabies deur die Maleise-gemeenskap op Stellenbosch. Unpublished Afrikaans MA Thesis: US. 164pp. 1955. Investigates the use of Arabic amongst the Malays in Stellenbosch. Lists all the phrases and words used by this community and establishes how they are used.Google Scholar

Haron, Muhammed. ‘Foreign Language Teaching in South Africa: Making a case for Bahasa Melayu.’ In Proceedings of World Congress of the Malay Language. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Vol.2 pp.201-218, August 1995. The paper provides an overview of foreign language teaching in South Africa. It makes reference to the teaching of European (eg. French) and Asian (eg. Urdu) immigrant languages. This discussion is however prefaced with an insight into the current South African language policy with reference to foreign languages. It focuses upon Arabic as a case study and thereafter deals with the rationale for introducing Bahasa Melayu.Google Scholar

Haron, Muhammed. ‘Towards a Catalogue of Islamic Manuscripts in South Africa with special reference to the Cape.’ In Tradisi Penulisan Manuskrip Melayu [ed. Wan Ali Wan Mamat]. Kuala Lumpur: Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia.pp.236-256, 1997. Catalogues some of the mss, which are in private hands and attempts to identify these.Google Scholar

Harris, M.G. British policy towards the Malays at the Cape of Good Hope 1795-1850. Unpublished History MA Thesis: Western Washington State College. 223pp. July 1977. Examines the policies of the British governors and secretaries of state for the colonies towards Malays and the Cape of Good Hope Malay community between the first British occupation in 1795 and 1850. He divides the thesis into 8 chapters. The first and second describe the policies of the Dutch towards the Malays at the Cape between 1652 and 1806, and the Malays respectively. The third discusses the relationship between the British Administration and the Cape Malays. The fourth evaluates the legal, judicial and civil rights policies of the British Administration. The fifth focuses upon slavery. The sixth looks at the educational policies of the British governors towards them. The seventh considers Mosque building at the Cape under the British Administration and the eighth discusses the Khalipha display.Google Scholar

Irvine, Mark. Scratching the Surface: The Archaeology of 56 Dorp Street, Bo-Kaap. Unpublished Archaeology BA Honours Thesis: UCT. illus. 104pp. January 1990. Reports on the 1989 excavation of the courtyard of 56 Dorp Street, Bo-Kaap. Argues that throughout the 19th century the Bo-Kaap was inhabited almost exclusively by people situated at the lower end of Cape Town's socio-economic scale. Attempts to identify areas where historical archaeology and more specifically the micro-study of the archaeology of 56 Dorp Street can constitute a fuller understanding of the history and socio-economic structure of the Bo-Kaap and of Cape Town; in addition the notion that Bo-Kaap is the ‘traditional’ home of the Cape Malays is challenged from both an archaeological and historical perspective and exposed as a myth.Google Scholar

Ismartono, Yuli. ‘Kampung Melayu di Semenanjung Afrika.’ In Tempo. illus. xxiv (16): 51–64, 18 June 1994. The article is based upon extensive interviews with some of the Cape Muslims such as Mr Ismail Petersen who comment upon the Cape Malays of South Africa.Google Scholar

Ithnain, Dzul-Karnain. Nostalgia Padang. Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Publishers. 1994. This is a novelette written by one of the members of the delegation who visited South Africa during 1993. He reflects nostalgically about those who had come here many centuries ago.Google Scholar

Jeppie, Muhammad Shamiel. Historical process and the Constitution of Subjects: I. D. Du Plessis and the Reinvention of the ‘Malay’. Unpublished African Studies BA Honours Thesis: UCT. 107pp. 1987. It examines how a ruling-class actor, Dr I.D. du Plessis, attempted to reinvent and reconstitute an ethnic subject. The researcher explores Du Plessis’ ideological background and shows how he initiated the project of the preservation of ‘the Malays’. He then considers his labour to ‘reinvent’ them, which spans between the Cape Malay Choir Board's establishment in 1939 until 1962 when Du Plessis became a commissioner. The researcher also argues how the Departments of Coloured Affairs and the Department of Native Affairs complemented one another and how they jointly functioned as a complete agency for social control. The final part of the thesis examines the response from Du Plessis’ Malay people to bring socially categorised as ‘Malay’. [Introduction]. Refer to the review entitled ‘Contemporary Islamic Research in South Africa’ in Afkar/Inquiry 4(6):57, June 1987.Google Scholar

Jeppie, Muhammad Shamiel. ‘Commemorations and Identities: The 1994 Tercentenary of Islam in South Africa.’ In Islam and the Question of Minorities [Sonn, Tamara ed.]. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Ch. 4 pp.73-91, 1996. Analyses the tercentenary celebrations of Islam which took place in Cape Town during 1994. Raises critical questions pertaining to the identity of the Cape Muslims.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. ‘Die Kap-Malaien in der Südafrikanishen Union.’ In Afrika und Übersee. 43:1–36, 1959. The article covers various aspects of Cape Malay Culture and Civilisation. It focuses upon their language, mystical brotherhood, amulets, holy shrines, mosques, religious instruction, the Muslim Judicial Council and a few other aspects.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. ‘Ein Rezentes Werk der Arabisch-Afrikaansen literatur der Kap-Malaien.’ In Afrika und Übersee. 44:110–131, 1960. Kahler scrutinises Shaykh Ahmad Behardien's text on the thur (afternoon) ritual prayer after the Jumu'a (congregational) ritual prayer on Fridays. He provides some preliminary remarks and a preface before translating the text into German. In the concluding part Kahler adds a few linguistic observations.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. ‘Die Kultur der Kap-Malaien in der Republik von Südafrika.’ In Handbuch der Kulturgeschichte. Frankfurt, pp.439-460, 1971.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. Studien über Kultur: Die Sprache und der Arabisch-Afrikaanse Literature der Kap-Malaien. Berlin: Verslag von Dietrich Reimer. Veroffenthichugen des Seminars für Indonesiche und Südseesprachen der Universiteit Hamburg series no. 7. 205pp. 1971. The monograph provides a general overview of the Cape Malays (pp.3-12) and it focuses upon their practice and interpretation of Islam (pp.12-29). It studies their use of the Afrikaans language (pp. 29-47) and comments upon the various Indonesian publications, which were available as well as the different motifs (pp.47-68). Thereafter it deals fairly extensively with Arabic-Afrikaans Literature (pp.70-188) of the Cape Malays and it looks at the religious texts in Afrikaans written in the Latin script (pp.190-197) and a few other aspects.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. ‘Der Islam bei den Kap-Malaien.’ In Handbuch der Orientalistik. 2(1):127–135, 1975.Google Scholar

Kahler, Hans. ‘Die Literatur der Kap-Malaien.’ In Handbuch der Orientalistik. 3(1): 316–321, 1976. The article gives a brief overview of the available literature amongst the Cape Malays. He also makes reference to and lists some of the Arabic manuscripts which some of them brought from Mecca after having performed their pilgrimage. He thus makes reference to Sayr as-Salikin, Sabil al-Muhtadin, Ma-rifat ul-Iman, Mir'at at-Tullab, Hidayat ul-Hadith, Nur fi si'r fi Ahkam Al-Jumu'a, and Siraj al-Hudan: Sharh ‘ala Matn Umm ul-Barahin.Google Scholar

Karim, Goolam M. The Ratib: An Expression of Early Islam in South Africa. Unpublished Religious Studies Postgraduate Project: UCT. 48pp. 1993. Confines itself to the ritual of Ratib al-Rifa'iyyah as practiced in South Africa from the earliest times to the present. It goes into considerable detail about the functions as contrasted to form.Google Scholar

Karim, Goolam M. Performance, Trance, Possession, and Mysticism: An Analysis of the Ratib al-Rifa'iyyah in South Africa. Unpublished PhD Religious Studies Thesis. University of Cape Town. 232 pp. 1998. Parts of the thesis reflect upon the Ratib display in the Cape Malay community in Cape Town and Johannesburg respectively. Refer to chapters 3 and 4 respectively.Google Scholar

Kennedy, R.F. ‘The Cape Malays.’ In African Notes and News. 1(4):1, August 1944. This editorial supports the suggestions of Dr. I. D. Du Plessis to establish a Malay museum in the South African cultural centre where objects of historical interest could be stored and displayed.Google Scholar

Kent, Brian Wilson. Centre for the Malay Quarter. Unpublished B.Arch. Thesis: UCT. illus. 70pp. November 1965. Locates an area where he feels a suitable centre for the Cape Malays needs to be set up. Provides a social history of the Cape Malays, describes their existing conditions and takes into account the renewal plan, future growth and prospects.Google Scholar

Kirby, P.R. ‘Musical Instruments of the Cape Malay.’ In South African Journal of Science. 36:489–493, December 1939. Investigates certain musical instruments known to have been in use among the Cape Malays. Discusses the use of the ghomma (kind of drum), guitar, and the ra'king (a stringed instrument).Google Scholar

Klopper, R.M. ‘“Vir” in Maleis-Afrikaans.’ In Linguistics Association of Taalfasette. Stellenbosch: University of Stellenbosch. 27(1):1-18, 1980. Undertakes a linguistic study of the preposition ‘for’ as used in Malay-Afrikaans. Makes use of seven Malay-Afrikaans Texts (circa 1850-1979).Google Scholar

Koen, R. ‘A Malay Wedding.’ In South African Panorama, illus. 19(11): 30–33, November 1974.Google Scholar

Kotze, Ernest Frederick. Variasiepatrone in Maleier-Afrikaans. Unpublished Afrikaans Doctoral Dissertation: University of Witwatersrand. 264pp. 1983. Study deals with the problem of linguistic variations within the Malay community. Investigates it by interviewing 59 respondents. Divides his thesis into 6 chapters. The first provides an overview of the theoretical models abroad. The second focuses upon the method adopted. The third studies the social stratification. The fourth concerns itself with an overview of more linguistic variation patterns and scrutinises Al-Qawl Al-Matin, Bayan ud-Din, and the texts of Imam Ahmed and Shaykh Abdurachman respectively. The fifth deals with the form of address and the last concludes and evaluates its results.Google Scholar

Kotze, Ernest Frederick. Woordelys: Afrikaans uit die Maleiergemeenskap. Unpublished Paper. Department of Afrikaans: University of the Western Cape. 8pp 1995. The paper contains a list of Afrikaans words which have been taken from the Malay community.Google Scholar

Lagardien, Zainab. Everyday Cape Malay Cooking. Cape Town. Struik Publishers, illus. 96pp. 1995. This beautifully illustrated book covers various Cape Malay dishes. Although some are similar to those in Faldiela Williams and Cas Abrahams’ texts, there are a number of new recipes in this compilation.Google Scholar

Lewis, David. ‘Religion of the Cape Malays; Literature of the Cape Malays, and Cape Malay Arts and Crafts.’ In Handbook on Race Relations in South Africa [ed. Hellman, E.]. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Ch. 25 & Ch. 31. pp. 586–598, 618 and 646-650, 1949. Lewis comments in his first contribution, upon their early history, present situation, rites and ceremonies and education. He also describes their Malay Quarter. In the second he provides a brief comment of Cape Malay Literature. His third contribution in this volume attempts to give an early history of the Cape Malay Craftsmen and expresses concern regarding the disappearance of their craft.Google Scholar

Lewis, Cecil & Edwards Gertrude, E. ‘On the Atlantic Coast - the Malays.’ In Cape Town: Treasures of the Mother City of South Africa. Cape Town: Speciality Press. Ch.10 pp. 163-170, 1934. Provides a brief description of the Malays at the Cape. The text is accompanied by an illustration of the Palm Tree mosque.Google Scholar

Lightfoot, T.F. “The Cape Malays.’ In Sketches of Church Life and Work in the Diocese of Cape Town [ed. Rev. Gibson, Alan G.S.]. Cape Town: Diocese of Cape Town. 31 August 1900. Lightfoot gives a brief sketch of the ‘Cape Malays’ in Cape Town and its surrounding areas. He assesses the role of some of the 19th Century Missionaries such as Rev. W. Wright and Bishop Gray and provides information to his fellow Christians to reconsider their role and strategies.Google Scholar

Lyon, Anne. Cape Malay/Cape Muslim: A Question of Identity. Unpublished Social Anthropology BA Honours Thesis: Australian National University. 91pp. October 1983. Constitutes an examination of the expressive internal, external strategic forces which have shaped the Cape Malay identity. In the chapters the following aspects are covered: An account of their formation as a community, surveys the symbols that have played differing roles in the expression of ‘Cape Malayness’, focuses on the internal definition of identity as a strategy and the manner in which the community has manipulated aspects of it.Google Scholar

Manual, George & Hatfield, Denis. District Six. Cape Town: Longmans Southern Africa (Pty.) Ltd. illus. 112pp. 1967. The authors describe sociocultural life of District Six. They look at the institutions such as the mosque (ch.3 pp.15-16), and schools (ch.4 pp.17-21). And they comment upon the Malay culture (ch.5 pp.23-28), their language and humour (ch.7 pp.33-37), aspects of their daily life (ch.8 pp.39-51), their eating habits (ch.9 pp.52-55), their folk tales and superstitions (ch.17 pp.91-97), and they mention some of the Malays’ outstanding characters (ch.18 pp.98-107). Each of the chapters are accompanied by illustrations.Google Scholar

Mayson, John Schofield. The Malays of Cape Town. Manchester: Cave & Sever. 27pp. 1855. A study of their origin, their present customs and occupations. A description of their beliefs and practices is also given.Google Scholar

McDonald, Hamish. ‘The Cape Malays.’ In Far Eastern Economic Review. 155(a): 48–50, 5 March 1992. A popular and illustrated commentary upon the Cape Malays. He describes and points out certain specific contributions made by the ‘Malays’ to Cape Culture.Google Scholar

McMarrow, J.J. ‘The Cape Malays.’ In South African Clergy Review. 9(2): 87–96, 1956. This descriptive article comments upon the religious beliefs of the Cape Malays, their religious and social institutions.Google Scholar

Midgley, James. Conformity and Social Control in the Cape Malay Community. Unpublished M.Soc.Sc. Thesis: UCT. Vol. I, 119pp. & Vol. II, 136pp, 1967. After giving a sociographic introduction in which he traces the Cape Malays’ history, he provides demographic survey, surveys their culture & aspects of their religion, studies their sociological concepts & sociography (Volume I); and he records his research design, findings and data (Volume II).Google Scholar

Midgley, James. ‘Drinking and Attitudes towards Drinking in a Muslim Community.’ In Quarterly Journal of Studies in Alcohol. 32(1): 148–158, 1971. A questionnaire was administered to 117 Cape Malays in two areas (the traditional Malay Quarter and a resettlement housing area) of Cape Town. The samples were of skilled and semi-skilled working class background. The findings revealed that 14, of whom 12 drank at least once a month and 4 daily, reported drinking. Drinkers attended madrasah for shorter periods and were poor mosque goers.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Midgley, James. ‘A note on non-response with reference to a current study of the Cape Malay Group.’ In Journal for Social Research. 17(1): 39–44, June 1968. Non-response as a problem in social research is briefly examined, and reference is made to studies undertaken in other countries. Some striking pattern of non-response is encountered in a recent study of conformity and social control in the Cape Malay Group, particularly among upper-class subjects, are described and analysed in detail. Some theoretical patterns are suggested and the possibility that non-response is a trait of upper-class non-White subjects generally examined. [Abstract].Google Scholar

Muller, P.J. Die ‘Maleier-Afrikaanse Taalbeweging.’ In Tydskrif vir Volkskunde en Volkstaal. 18:1–6, January 1962. Demythologises the view that Afrikaans developed not in Paarl but in the Muslim area of the Bo-Kaap. Refers to Abu Bakr Effendi's contribution entitled Bayan ud-Din; and compares the Malay-Afrikaans Movement with the finest Afrikaans Language Movement. Comments briefly upon three other works, namely (a) Sabilunnaja written in 1895 by Imam Abdurrakib, (b) Ketabottahara en Salaah written in 1900 by Shaykh Hendricks; and (c) Kitaab van Towheed written between 1900-1910 by Shaykh Ahmad Behardien.Google Scholar

Muller, M. Aspects of Social Composition of Twelve Malay Households in Simonstown. Unpublished Social Anthropology BA Honours Thesis: UCT. 27pp. September 1969. Deals mainly with 12 households who occupy 7 separate homes in three streets (Thomas St., Hospital Lane and Wigboom Lane) of Simonstown. Analyses their social composition and their efforts to oppose the Apartheid laws to evict them from the area to areas demarcated for ‘Coloureds’.Google Scholar

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Otto-Sallies, Zulfah. Rosa. Cape Town. 1998. This musical theatrical work is based on the slave era in the 1800s and tells the story of a nobleman who falls in love with a Malay slave girl.Google Scholar

Poole, C.H. ‘n Kritiese beskouing van die Maleise en Portugese woorde in Afrikaans. Unpublished Afrikaans MA Thesis: UCT. 73pp. 1951. Critical overview of the study of Malay and Portuguese words in Afrikaans. The first chapter deals with Hasseling's interest in Malay and Portuguese words. The second undertakes a scientific study of words in Afrikaans derived from Malay and Portuguese. The third sketches the history of the use of Malay and Portuguese between the 17th and 19th centuries. The fourth provides new insights into words in Afrikaans derived from Malay and Portuguese. The fifth covers a wordlist in Malay and Portuguese in Afrikaans taken from different linguistic circles. The final chapter attempts to provide dates for each of the listed words.Google Scholar

Prentice, D.J. Malay in Afrikaans and English in South Africa. Unpublished 10pp. 1997.Google Scholar

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Rochlin, Samuel Abraham. ‘A forgotten name for the Cape Malays.’ In Bantu Studies. 8:95–97, 1934. His research reflects that the Malays were more popularly known during the 17th and 18th century as Bughies. Quotes a few sources in support of his thesis.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Rochlin, Samuel Abraham. ‘Aspects of Islam in Nineteenth Century South Africa.’ In Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 10(1): 213–221, July 1939. Rochlin studies some of the unknown factors in the growth of Islamic institutional existence in South Africa during the 19th century. He highlights the contacts, which developed between the ‘Malays’ and the Muslims in Arabia and Turkey respectively.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Rochlin, Samuel Abraham. ‘The First Cape Malay Author.’ In Africana Notes and News. 11(5):143–146, December 1954. Claims that a Cape Malay, who used the pseudonym Abdullah ben Yusuf, penned a controversial booklet on the practice of the Faith of Islam at the Cape in the 1870s. In 1877 the researcher states, Abdullah wrote in Dutch his 16 page work under the title of Twijfel en Gemoedskwellighe van een Maleijer in de Kaap-Kolonie, Genaamd Abdullah ben Yusuf door Hemzelven Verhaald and produced an English version of it not long thereafter. The author assumes that it is Abdol Burns, a prominent Cape Malay.Google Scholar

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Rood, Betsie. Malay Cooking. Cape Town: Tafelberg. pp.i-xi & 1-84,1978; and reprint in 1981. Records the Cape Malay dishes in order to preserve the culinary heritage. Introduces the text by providing information on the Cape Muslims and their food. Lists the various recipes thereafter.Google Scholar

Saunders, C.C. ‘Eliza's Cape Town, 1863.’ In Africana Notes and News. 35(2): 50–58, December 1980. Saunders rescues some of the memoirs of Eliza, an English lady, who wrote about her trip to the Cape. In this specific part she describes her interaction with the Cape Malays.Google Scholar

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Shell, Robert C-H. The establishment and spread of Islam at the Cape from the beginning of company rule to 1838. Unpublished History BA Honours Thesis: UCT. 68pp. 1974. Deals with Islam's establishment and spread at the Cape from the beginning of VOC rule in the colony to the end of the era of slavery in 1838. It attempts to delineate the social and economic courses of the spread of this religion at the Cape and assumes that the religious aspirations were as universal to the people of the Cape as they were elsewhere. However, as there were two religions at the Cape, Islam and Christianity, either of which could serve as a focus for these feelings, the reasons for the adoption of Islam, an unofficial and heavily handicapped religion at the Cape, forms an important part of the essay. It is roughly divided into two parts. The first discusses the Indonesian background of the original Cape Muslims and the second, third and fourth chapters deal with the spread of the religion at the Cape.Google Scholar

Shell, Robert C-H. ‘From Rites to Rebellion: Islamic Conversion, Urbanisation, and Ethnic Identities at the Cape of Good Hope, 1797 to 1904.’ In Canadian Journal of History. XXVIII: 409–457, December 1993. The essay deals with religious conversion and ethnic identities in 19th century South Africa. It takes issue with Robin Horton's theory of monolatric conversion, that is, that conversion to a monotheistic religion is a process of modernisation and rationality. The author argues that the underlying reason for conversion requires a different axis of explanation since the phenomenon was not primarily intellectual and, moreover, changed in type. A few beautifully illustrated tables accompany the article.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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Streicher, E. ‘Kaapstad bewaar kultuur van Maleiers.’ In Alpha, illus. 16(6):16–18, August 1978. Cape Town preserves the culture of the Malays.Google Scholar

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Truluck, T.F. and G. Cook. ‘Preservation of the Bo-Kaap, Cape Town: Changes in Attitudes and Actions.’ In Contree: Journal for South African Urban and Regional History. 29:18–23, April 1991. Addresses the changing attitudes associated with the problems of slum clearance and redevelopment in the Old Malay Quarter during the 30s, and with the unofficial campaign in 1940 to preserve it. Emanating from the preservation campaign, there were changes in official attitudes and actions towards the Quarter from the 50s until the early 70s.Google Scholar

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