1. The acclaimed poet and literary editor Avrom (Avraham) Sutzkever was born in 1913 in Smorgon. He began his literary path in his teens. He was a member of the literary group Yung Vilne (Young Vilna). His first book of poetry appeared in 1938. During World War II he was active in the cultural life of the Vilna ghetto, and managed to hide rare printed materials as part of clandestine salvage work (the so-called “paper brigade”) at the Srashun and YIVO libraries. In the ghetto he lost his mother and his newborn son. He and his wife Freydke escaped to the forests in 1943 and joined partisan forces. In 1944 the couple was smuggled into the USSR. In 1946 Sutzkever was asked to testify in the Nuremberg trials. He arrived in Mandatory Palestine in 1947 and lived in Tel Aviv until his death in 2010.

2. The prominent journalist, editor, and Yiddish activist Mordkhe Ishaye Tsanin (Tsukerman) was born in 1906 in Sokolov Podolsky. He began publishing his work in the late 1920s. During World War II he initially escaped to Lithuania and from there proceeded eastward. He reached Japan and India, arriving in Tel Aviv in 1942. He died there in 2009.

3. Letter from Avrom Sutzkever, Montreal, to Mordekhe Tsanin, Tel Aviv, 15 April 1959, Tsanin archive 2558/15504, Genazim Institute. The recording of the reception held on the occasion of Sutzkever's visit to Montreal is now available online at the Yiddish Book Center's Frances Brandt Online Yiddish Audio Library: https://archive.org/details/AbrahamSutzkeverReceptionPart1april17th1959.

4. Novershtern, Avraham, Ka'n gar ha-‘am ha-yehudi: Sifrut yidish be-’arẓot ha-brit (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2015), 46–61 Google Scholar.

5. See, for example, Ravitch, Melech, “Vu iz der tsenter?”, Bikher velt 1 (1922): 26–30 Google Scholar; Bergelson, Dovid, “Dray tsentren”, In shpan 1 (1926): 84–96 Google Scholar.

6. Novershtern, Ka'n gar, 47–48.

7. Cohen, Nathan, Sefer, sofer ve-‘iton: Merkaz ha-tarbut ha-yehudit be-varsha’, 1918–1942 (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2003), 136–41Google Scholar.

8. Estraikh, Gennady, In Harness: Yiddish Writers' Romance with Communism (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2005), 63–64 Google Scholar.

9. For example: Rojanski, Shmuel, “Di banayte sheferishkeyt fun yidishn lebn durkh medinas yisroel”, in Musterverk 55: In dem eygenem land, 25 yor medinas yisroel, ed. Rojanski, Shmuel (Buenos Aires: Literatur gezelshaft baym Yivo, 1973), 13–22 Google Scholar.

10. For a detailed study of this culture center see Gali Drucker Bar-Am, “Ani afarekh?”: Yiẓug ha-havayah ha-yisra'elit be-siporet Yidish be-Yisra'el, 1948–1968” (PhD diss., The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2013).

11. Pilovski, Arye Leyb, Tsvishn yo un neyn: yidish in erets-yisroel 1907–1948 (Tel Aviv: Veltrat far yidish un yidisher kultur, 1986)Google Scholar.

12. Roskes, Dovid Hersh, “Di shrayber grupe yung Yisroel”, Yugntruf 28–29 (1973): 7–12 Google Scholar; Ibid., 33 (1975): 7–8; Ibid., 34 (1976): 4–7; Roskies, David, A Bridge of Longing: The Lost Art of Yiddish Storytelling (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 307–46Google Scholar.

13. Chaver, Yael, Mah she-ḥayavim lishkoaḥ: Yidish ba-yishuv he-ḥadash (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 2005)Google Scholar.

14. For an example of a study that examines Palestine as a multilingual sphere, see Halperin, Liora, Babel in Zion: Jews, Nationalism and Language Diversity in Palestine 1920–1948 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015)Google Scholar.

15. Estimates of the number of the surviving remnant that came to Israel range between 383,000 to 500,000. On these estimates see Sha'ari, David, “Yiḥudah shel she'rit ha-peletah, beriḥim shel shetikah: She'rit ha-peletah ve-’Ereẓ Yisra'el”, Mesu'ah 28 (2000): 30Google Scholar; Yablonka, Hana, “Ẓayarim niẓole sho'ah be-Yisra'el: Hebet nosaf la-shetikah she-lo haytah”, in Ha-sho'ah historiyah ve-zikaron—koveẓ ma'amarim shay le-Yisra'el Gutman, ed. Almog, Shmuel et al. (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2002), 207Google Scholar.

16. Yablonka, Hana, ’Aḥim zarim: Niẓole ha-sho'ah be-medinat Yisra'el 1948–1952 (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 1994), 9Google Scholar.

17. Yablonka, “Ẓayarim.”

18. For a discussion of the difficulties of determining the precise number of Yiddish speakers among Holocaust survivors who immigrated to Israel, see Bar-Am, Gali Drucker, “Be-kolam u-vi-sefatam: Yisra'el be-re'i siporet yidish she-nikhtevah be-Yisra'el bi-yede ‘olei she'erit ha-peletah”, in Yisra'el be-‘ene sorde ha-sho'ah ve-niẓoleha, ed. Ofer, Dalia (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2014), 355Google Scholar.

19. Bachi, Roberto, Teḥiyat ha-lashon ha-‘ivrit be-’aspaklariyah statistit (Jerusalem: The Academy for Hebrew Language, 1957), 12Google Scholar. Bachi noted that in 1950 “People of eastern European origin in Israel tend to use Yiddish; only a small percentage of them use Hebrew within the family, or in their social life; moreover they make considerable use of languages other than Hebrew to meet their cultural needs.” Ibid., 32.

20. Leshtshinsky, Ya‘akov, “Ha-behalah mi-saviv la-yidish”, Gesher 1 (1960): 114Google Scholar.

21. Novershtern, Ka'n gar, 47.

22. The typical immigrant family had three times as many children below the age of four than the veteran Jewish population. For more on these attributes, see Yablonka, ’Aḥim zarim, 10–13; and Shein, Ada, “Bene betkha be-karov: She'erit ha-peletah ba-hityashvut ha-moshavit 1944–1955”, in Ve-yashavtem betaḥ: Niẓole sho'ah ba-hityashvut ha-‘ovedet 1945–1955, ed. Bar, Shlomo Gil (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2010), 152Google Scholar.

23. Yablonka, ’Aḥim zarim, 12.

24. On the lives of Polish Jewish youth between the world wars, see Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara, Moseley, Marcus and Stanislawski, Michael, introduction to Awakening Lives: Autobiographies of Jewish Youth in Poland before the Holocaust, ed. Shandler, Jeffrey (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, xi–xiii.

25. Gutman, Yisrael, Sugiyot be-ḥeker ha-sho'ah: Bikoret u-terumah (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 2009), 20Google Scholar.

26. Lavsky, Hagit, New Beginnings: Holocaust Survivors in Bergen-Belsen and the British Zone in Germany, 1945–1950 (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2002), 216Google Scholar.

27. Yosef Rotnberg (Łódź 1914 – Tel-Aviv 1960) studied in the Borokhov shul and later worked in the textile industry and joined the Po‘alei Ẓion Semo'l movement. During WWII he was a refugee in the Soviet Union. He arrived to Israel in 1949.

28. Peretz farlag, Y. L., Yosef Rotnberg: tsu zayn ershter yortsayt (Tel Aviv: Y. L. Peretz farlag, 1961), 108Google Scholar.

29. Rokhl Oyerbakh (Lanowitz 1903 – Tel-Aviv 1976) began her literary activity in Lvov. She was among the founders of the literary journal Tsushtayer (Contribution) and served as its editor. From the early 1930s she lived in Warsaw. She resided in the Warsaw ghetto during the war, where she was active in cultural affairs and worked at the Oyneg shabes archive. She migrated to Israel in 1950. Oyerbakh founded and directed the oral documentation section at Yad Vashem. For more on her activity, see Friedman-Cohen, Carrie, “Rokhl Oyerbakh: Rashe perakim le-ḥeker ḥayeah ve-yeẓiratah”, Ḥuliyot 9 (2005): 297–304 Google Scholar; Friedman-Cohen, , “Kevuẓat Ẓushtayer be-Galiẓiyah 1929–1931”, Ḥuliyot 10 (2007): 157–77Google Scholar; and Cohen, Boaz, “Rachel Auerbach, Yad Vashem, and Israeli Holocaust Memory”, Polin 20 (2007): 197–221 Google Scholar.

30. Rokhl Oyerbakh, “Tsvishn yidn,” Rokhl Oyerbakh collection, P-16, Yad Vashem Archive.

31. Oyerbakh, “Tsvishn yidn.”

32. Novershtern, Ka’n gar, 54.

33. While socialism and communism were prevalent ideologies in the United States as well as in eastern Europe, Novershtern notes that “the power of the various ideologies—Socialism, Zionism, Communism—was far weaker in Jewish New York than in Warsaw.” Novershtern, Ka’n gar, 96.

34. On the Folkist party, see Weiser, Keith Ian, Jewish People, Yiddish Nation: Noah Prylucki and the Folkists in Poland (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011)Google Scholar. On YIVO see Kuznitz, Cecile Esther, YIVO and the Making of Modern Jewish Culture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

35. Frankel, Jonathan, Prophecy and Politics: Socialism, Nationalism and the Russian Jews 1862–1917 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 119Google Scholar.

36. “Going to the people” was the slogan of the Russian populist radicals (narodniki) of the nineteenth century. As Frankel notes, it was a strategy that was adopted by some Jewish figures on the Left who sought to develop their “own” constituency among the Jewish working people. Frankel, Prophecy and Politics, 119.

37. Bassok, Ido and Novershtern, Avraham, “Ma‘arakhot ha-ḥinukh le-yehude Polin ben shete milḥamot ha-‘olam”, in ‘Alilot ne‘urim:’Otobiografiyot shel bene ne‘urim mi-Polin ben shete milḥamot ha-‘olam, ed. Bassok, Ido (Ramat Aviv: Ha-makhon Le-ḥeker Yahadut Polin, 2011), 731Google Scholar.

38. Hundert, Gershon David, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A Genealogy of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 4Google Scholar.

39. Dovid Eydlman, Tsvi Ayznman, Y. Artuski (Yisokher Aykhnboym), Shloyme Berlinsky, Moyshe Grosman, Yitskhok Luden, Mendl Man, Malasha Mali, Khaye Slutsky-Kestin, Levi Papiernikov, Yitskhok Perlov, Mordekhe Tsanin, Shimen Kants, and Avrom Karpinovitsh.

40. Rokhl Oyerbakh, Khaye Elboym-Dorembus, Avrom Sutzkever, and Yishaye Shpigel.

41. Shloyme Avni, Rivke Kviatkovski-Pinkhasik, and Yisroel Kaplan, among others.

42. On this collective processing of trauma in Israeli Yiddish culture see Bar-Am, Gali Drucker, “May the Makom Comfort you—Place, Holocaust Remembrance and the Creation of a National Identity in the Israeli Yiddish Press 1948–1961”, Yad Vashem Studies 42, no. 2 (2014): 155–95Google Scholar.

43. Extreme right- or left-wing ideologies were not prevalent among Yiddish culture activists in Israel. On the vigorous opposition to Communism and the Soviet regime, particularly following the murder of Yiddish authors in the USSR in 1952, see Sutzkever, Avrom, “Finf un tsvantsik numern di goldene keyt”, DGK 25 (1956): 5–6 Google Scholar; Sutzkever, , “Di monendike date”, DGK 31 (1958): 3Google Scholar; Shmeruk, Khone, “Araynfir”, in A shpigl af a shteyn: antologie, ed. Harushovski, Binyamin, Avrom Sutzkever, Khone Shmeruk (Tel Aviv: Y. L. Peretz farlag, 1964), 7–33 Google Scholar; and in the novel by Grosman, Moyshe, Di vide fun a revulutsioner: politisher roman (Tel Aviv: Mendele Moykher Sforim, 1955)Google Scholar. In Hebrew: Grosman, Moshe, Viduyo shel mahapkhan: Roman politi, trans. Ginton, Naftali (Tel Aviv: Taberski, 1957)Google Scholar. On the features of European intelligentsia, and its attitude towards Communism see Judt, Tony, Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

44. See Harshav, Benjamin, The Polyphony of Jewish Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 29Google Scholar.

45. Alef, Yud [Y. Artuski], “Rekht far yidish in shul?,” LF 104 (1960): 11Google Scholar.

46. Shmeruk, Khone, Ha-keri'ah la-navi: Meḥkare historiyah ve-sifrut (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1999), 156Google Scholar.

47. For the sake of illustration, in pre-WWII Warsaw alone (1935–37), where about 360,000 Jews lived, no less than eleven daily newspapers in Yiddish were published. See Shmeruk, Khone, “Ivrit-yidish-polanit: Tarbut yehudit telat-leshonit”, in Ben shetei milḥamot ‘olam: Perakim be-ḥaye ha-tarbut shel yehudei Polin le-leshonotehem, ed. Shmeruk, Khone and Verses, Shmuel (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1997), 14–18 Google Scholar. For the contribution of the newspaper to the creation of a Jewish national public sphere in 1905 Warsaw see Ury, Scott, Barricades and Banners: The Revolution of 1905 and the Transformation of Warsaw Jewry (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012), 141–71Google Scholar.

48. In 1953, four Yiddish daily newspapers were printed in New York: Forverts (founded in 1897), Der morgn zhurnal (1906), Der tog (1914), and Morgn-frayhayt (1922). Two Yiddish dailies were printed in Buenos Aires: Di yidishe tsaytung (1914) and Di prese (1918). One daily paper was printed in Montreal: Yidisher tog-odler (1906). Two dailies were published in Montevideo: Folksblat (1931) and Undzer fraynd (1935). Three Yiddish dailies were published in Paris: Undzer shtime (1935), Naye prese (1940), and Undzer vort (1945). Fraenkel, Josef, The Jewish Press of the World (London: Cultural Department of the Word Jewish Congress, 1953), 4Google Scholar, 22, 27, 35, 38. No Yiddish daily was printed in eastern Europe after World War II, not even in the USSR, where 20.5 percent of world Jewry resided, which made it the second largest Jewish community in the world, after the United States and before Israel. Leshtshinsky, Ya‘akov, Ha-pezurah ha-yehudit, trans. Horoviẓ, Moshe (Jerusalem: Ha-maḥlakah Le-ḥinukh U-le-tarbut shel Ha-histadrut Ha-ẓiyonit Ha-‘olamit, 1961), 12Google Scholar.

49. From issue number 18, February 27, 1950.

50. From issue number 45, June 9, 1950.

51. Yedi‘ot ḥadashot and Yedi‘ot ha-yom. According to the data of the Central Bureau of Statistics (1973, board 3), in the years 1948–54 only 3.2 percent (10,842) of all newcomers to Israel were born in Germany and Austria, while 32 percent of them were born in Poland (106,414). Lissak, Moshe, Ha-‘aliyah ha-gedolah bi-shenot ha-ḥamishim: Kishlono shel kur ha-hitukh ha-yisra'eli (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1999), 8Google Scholar.

52. On this matter see the announcement that Tsanin placed in his paper: “Yidishe tsaytung, as Letste nayes, will appear under the editorship of M. Tsanin on days on which Letste nayes is not printed,” LN, August 7, 1953, 1. On Tsanin's struggle to turn Letste nayes into a daily paper, see Tsanin, Mordekhe, Zumershney (Tel Aviv: H. Leyvik farlag, 1992), 174–78Google Scholar. In this source Tsanin refers to Yidishe tsaytung as Hayntike nayes. This is, of course, an error (as evidenced by the titles of the hundreds of editions of Yidishe tsaytung). Yet this is an interesting error. Hayntike nayes was the new name given to a newspaper called Letste nayes that appeared in Warsaw in the interwar years. Tsanin's (presumably inadvertent) choice of this name points to his intention to perpetuate the Warsaw Letste nayes by establishing a paper with the same name in Tel Aviv.

53. On the state of the Yiddish press in Israel on the eve of its founding and on the circulation of Leste nayes in comparison to that of other foreign language papers in Israel, see Bar-Am, Gali Drucker, “The Holy Tongue and the Tongue of the Martyrs: The Eichmann Trial as Reflected in Letste-nayes ”, Dapim: Studies on the Shoah 28, no. 1 (2014): 17–37 Google Scholar. The circulation of the leading dailies in Israel in January 1950 was as follows: Ma‘ariv – 33,000 copies; Davar – 25,000; Haaretz – 23,500; Yedi‘ot ’aḥaronot – 21,000; Jerusalem Post (English) – 24,000 copies; Yedi‘ot ḥadashot (German) – 18,500; Yedi‘ot ha-yom (German) – 11,500; Uj Kelet (Hungarian) – 6,800; Al Yaum (Arabic) – 6,000; and L'echo d'Israel (French) – 1,000. Naor, Mordeḥay, “ Ha-‘itonut be-shnot ha-ḥamishim, ” in He-‘asor ha-ri'shon: 1948–1958, ed. Zameret, Zvi and Yablonka, Hana (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 1998), 220Google Scholar.

54. Tsanin, Zumershney, 178.

55. These elections were the immediate effect of the Lavon affair. A further effect was the final retirement of David Ben-Gurion from political activity. Weitz, Yeḥiam, “’Avi ’avot ha-konẓenzus: Levi Eshkol- ha-’ish ve-zemano”, in He-’asor ha-sheni: 1958–1968, ed. Zameret, Zvi and Yablonka, Hana (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 2000), 171–77Google Scholar.

56. See the letter from the editorial board of Di goldene keyt to Yehiel Dinur, dated 31 August 1948, The Dinur archive 9743/7 – 523, Genazim Institute. On the number of copies printed, see the letter written by Ya‘akov Sharpstein, the journal's financial director, to Ms. Hermona Grau (of the Ministry of Education's Culture Administration), 9 March 1992, Suzkever Archive 4°.1565, DGK file, The National Library. Fraenkel, Josef, The Jewish Press of the World (London: Cultural Department of the World Jewish Congress, 1961), 44Google Scholar.

57. Yiddish literary journals were also printed in prestate Palestine, but they did not hold to the high standards of Di golden keyt. See Drucker Bar-Am, “The Holy Tongue and the Tongue of the Martyrs,” 20 n. 9; On “thick monthlies” see Sluẓki, Yehuda, Ha-‘itonut ha-yehudit-rusit be-me'ah ha-tesha’-‘esre (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1975), 284–85Google Scholar; Moss, Kenneth B., Jewish Renaissance in the Russian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 77Google Scholar. On the emergence of “high culture” publications in modern Yiddish culture, see Moss, Kenneth, “Jewish Culture between Renaissance and Decadence: Literarishe Monatsshriften and Its Critical Reception”, Jewish Social Studies 8, no. 1 (2001): 153–98Google Scholar.

58. In his book, Avraham Novershtern cites correspondence between Sutzkever and Shmuel Niger, the prominent Yiddish literature critic of the time, that illustrates the difficulty in treading a fine line between the demands of the Yiddish world and those of the Histadrut, which were largely incompatible, particularly during the journal's initial years. See Novershtern, Avraham, Avraham Sutzkever bi-melo’t lo shiv‘im (Jerusalem: Bet Ha-sefarim Ha-le'umi Ve-ha-’universita'i, 1984), 78Google Scholar.

59. Novershtern, Ka’n gar, 18.

60. Novershtern, Avraham Sutzkever bi-melo't lo shiv‘im, 69.

61. In an internal memo, Di goldene keyt was described as something meant for “Diaspora Yiddish,” that is primarily for distribution abroad. Memo from the Finance Department of the Executive Committee to Avraham Levinson and Avrom Sutzkever, 5 August 1948, the Sutzkever archive 4°.1565, Histadrut ha-‘ovdim ha-‘ivrim be-’Ereẓ-Yisra'el file, the National Library of Israel. This memo further stated that the funding for the founding of the periodical (2,600 liras) was provided for one year only, and that the editors should not hire tenured employees to work on the journal. On the debate between pragmatism and linguistic pluralism held by the Executive Committee with regard to Di goldene keyt, see Yablonka, ’Aḥim zarim, 253–54.

62. Avraham Levinson was born in Łódź in 1891. He made Aliyah to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el in 1936 and died in Jerusalem in 1955. He was a prominent Zionist activist, an attorney and writer, who wrote in Hebrew, Yiddish, Polish, and Russian, as well as an editor and translator.

63. For example, Sholem Asch, Isaac Bashevis Singer, Chaim Grade, H. Leyvik, Yankev Glatshtein, Arn Glanz-Leyeles, Yosef Opatoshu, Itsik Manger, Shmuel Niger, and many others.

64. On the image of Masada in Sutzkever's long poem “Gaystike erd” see Bar-Am, Gali Drucker, “ Gaystike erd by Avrom Sutzkever: Between Personal Mythology and National Ideology”, Journal of Jewish Studies 67, no. 1 (2016): 180–81Google Scholar.

65. See Drucker Bar-Am, Am I Your Dust?, 87–90.

66. Sutzkever, Avrom, “Tsvey yor di goldene keyt”, DGK 9 (1951): 214–15Google Scholar.

67. On this journal see Yitskhok Luden and Gali Drucker Bar-Am, “Lebns-fragn,” The Historical Jewish Press website, http://web.nli.org.il/sites/JPress/English/Pages/Lebens-Fragen.aspx.

68. Y. Artuski, or “khaver [comrade] Oscar” are the underground names of Yisokher Aykhnboym. He was born in Warsaw in 1903. At the height of WWI he lost both his parents and lived in a monastery. Initially a communist, he subsequently embraced socialist Marxism. He studied political economy at Moscow University. Aykhnboym joined the Bund's youth movement Tsukunft in Warsaw and became one of the Bund press's prominent essayists. Upon the outbreak of war he sought to escape to the USSR but returned to Warsaw. From there he tried to escape to Vilna, but was arrested on the border of the Soviet Union and imprisoned after someone informed on him. Upon his release he was sent to a labor camp. At the end of 1941 he was released and made his way to Tashkent and on to Tehran. His wife and daughter who remained in Warsaw were murdered. He arrived to Tel Aviv in 1943, but left for Paris to continue his work for the party. In 1950 he was sent to Israel by the Bund's Coordination Committee (Koordinir-Komitet) to bolster the center opened in Tel Aviv. He died in Tel Aviv in 1971. Luden, Yitskhok, “Y. Artuski iz nishto”, in Yid, Mentsh, Sotsialist: Y. Artuski ondenk-bukh, ed. Artuski, Y. bukh-komitet (Tel Aviv: Lebns-fragn farlag, 1976), 412–15Google Scholar.

69. Aykhnboym, Y., “Undzer basheydener yubiley: 15 yor Bundishe organizatsye un lebns-fragn in Yisroel”, LF 173 (1966): 5Google Scholar.

70. Aykhnboym, “Undzer basheydener yubiley,” 5.

71. Aykhnboym, “Undzer basheydener yubiley,” 5.

72. Haim Moshe Shapira was born in Grodno in 1902, arrived in Mandatory Palestine in 1925 and died in Jerusalem in 1970. He was the political leader of religious Zionism, first as member of the Mizraḥi Party and later of the National Religious Party. He served as a member of the Knesset and as a minister in the government from 1948 until his death.

73. Aykhnboym, “Undzer basheydener yubiley,” 5.

74. David Fishman noted that “The commitment of the Jewish Workers' Bund to Yiddish emerged gradually, and its relationship towards modern Yiddish literatures was complexly ambivalent.” Fishman, David E., The Rise of Modern Yiddish Culture (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005), viiiGoogle Scholar.

75. See, for example in the first editorial: [Artuski, Y.], “in an akhrayesfuler tsayt,” LF 1 (1951): 2Google Scholar, as well as the editorial that marks a decade to Lebns-fragn: [Artuski, Y.], “Tsen yor,” LF 111–12 (1961): 1–3 Google Scholar.

76. In the third international convention of the Bund after the Holocaust (Montreal 1955), a formal resolution was made regarding the Bund's relation to Israel. The movement withdrew from its fundamental rejection of Israel (stated in 1947), and declared that “Israel is a significant factor in Jewish life.” Slucki, David, The International Jewish Labor Bund after 1945: Toward a Global History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2012), 207Google Scholar.

77. See, for example: Merlin, D. [Y. Artuski], “Vegn shul-vezn in yisroel,” LF 51 (1955): 5Google Scholar.

78. Merlin, D. [Y. Artuski], “Yidish limed far kinder,” LF 52 (1955): 14Google Scholar.

79. Grin, M., “Undzer naye dergreykhung”, LF 136–37 (1963): 11Google Scholar.

80. [Artuski, Y.], “Arbeter ring in Yisroel efnt an opru-hoyz far kinder,” LF 129–30 (1962): 21Google Scholar.

81. Grin, M., “Tsen yor yidishe nokhmitog-shul in Tel-Aviv”, LF 162–63 (1965): 12Google Scholar. Joshua and David Fishman indicate the following figures: 5,000 pupils studied in ultra-Orthodox schools in 1962–63 versus 100 pupils in the Bund schools in Tel Aviv and Beer Sheva (apparently in the early 1970s). Fishman, Joshua A. and Fishman, David E., “Yiddish in Israel: The Press, Radio, Theater and Book Publishing”, Yiddish 1, no. 2 (1973): 14Google Scholar.

82. The Bund party's platform included the following elements, among others: equal rights for all the citizens of the state, irrespective of race, religion, nationality, ethnic group, or language; abrogation of military rule in Arab towns and villages; separation of religion from the state and the enactment of secular civil legislation; abrogation of censorship of the Hebrew and Yiddish press; granting Yiddish and its culture the same conditions enjoyed by Hebrew culture with regard to support from the state; introduction of the teaching of Yiddish and its literature into the educational system. See [Artuski, Y.], “Val-platform fun bund: vos vil der bund in yisroel?,” LF 95 (1959): 2Google Scholar. On the Israeli Bund see Gali Drucker Bar-Am, “The Bund in Israel: Searching for Jewish Working Class Secular Brotherhood in Zion,” (forthcoming).

83. On the results of the 1959 elections, see LN, November 6, 1959, 1.

84. See the discussions held at the symposium “Yisroel, der yidisher shrayber un di yidishe velt”, DGK 19 (1954): 222–24Google Scholar.

85. See, for example: Artuski, Y., “Di lektsie fun yidishn khurbn”, LF 92 (1959): 4–5 Google Scholar.

86. “Here, in our state, we need to create a new form [nusakh]: nusakh Yisroel, as was the Polish form [nusakh Polin]. We are not step-citizens nor step-writers. Our Yiddish word is the holiest of what we own.” Sutzkever, Avrom, “Yisroel, der yidisher shrayber un di yidishe velt”, DGK 19 (1954): 223Google Scholar. By terming Yiddish culture in Israel nusakh Yisroel, Sutzkever renewed the terms nusakh ’Ashkenaz and nusakh Sefard (both refer to the style of Jewish religious service). Sutzkever portrays nusakh Yisroel as the secular and national metamorphosis of the earlier forms.

87. M. Tsanin, “Revolutsie un kontrarevolutsie,” LN, January 28, 1955, 1; Artuski, Y., “Toda'a yehudit tsi heimland-gefil? Oder unvegn fun der yisroelisher yugnt”, LF 79 (1958): 7Google Scholar.

88. Tsanin, Zumershney, 175.

89. Artuski, Y., “Tsi darf un tsi muz yidish untergeyn in yisroel?”, LF 70–71 (1957): 8–10 Google Scholar.

90. Cultural historian Peter Burke indeed points out two rival explanations for the decline of languages: pressure from outside or a change of mind from within: “Political explanations stress deliberate acts by governments … Social explanations, by contrast, stress the agency of ordinary speakers, who may internalize the idea that their language is inferior. Especially important is the pressure of parents on children to learn and use a more prestigious language that offers more opportunities for social mobility than their own.” Burke, Peter, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 72Google Scholar.