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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 October 2009
Despite the survival of Hebrew as a language of prayer, and the pockets of Hebrew and Yiddish readers and speakers that exist in America today, American Jewry is overwhelmingly English-oriented in its cultural endeavors as well as everyday communication. That is one of the measures of American Jewry's successful integration in American society, and may thus be regarded as one of its achievements.
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4. The ubiquitous nature of this theme, from Wasserman to Kafka, from Delmore Schwartz to Philip Roth (and see the comment by Cynthia Ozick quoted at the end of this essay, n. 110), can be extended to include many American writers, including black writers as well as others.
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16. Ibid., pp. 14–15.
17. Ibid., pp. 11, 15.
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25. Ibid., p. 9.
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31. It is not clear why it took five years to produce the second volume, and why a further three years elapsed between the second and third volumes. It is possible that financial considerations played a role; the Yearbook depended on support from donors and received funding from at least one foundation. It is likely, too, that it was technically difficult to edit and produce a book of that scale, and with so many authors, rapidly. See the preface to volume 2, and the list of contributors published at the back of the volume. There seems to have been an ongoing relationship with Reform movement figures (help is acknowledged from the Lucius N. Littauer Fund of the CCAR and from the Cincinnati Cultural Foundation).
32. Preface to volume 2.
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38. Halevy, Avraham Zvi, “Yonim 'al pasei 'ilit,” SH 4 (1939): 186.Google Scholar
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41. See, e.g., Gross, Naftali, “Hasifrut haidit beamerikah,” SH 3 (1938): 385Google Scholar; “The monotonal symphony of the older generation has fissioned into a medley of melodies … realism, expressionism, symbolism.… Their poems and stories are individualistic expressions of men's souls in the contemporary city: moods, images, tender yearnings … intimacies of the heart, intricacies of experience, and despair.”
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57. Ibid.
58. See, e.g., Preil, Gabriel's “Shirei Vermont,” SH 5 (1940): 109–110.Google Scholar
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60. See the opening statement of purpose, by Mirsky, Shmuel, in the new Orthodox journal, Talpiot 1, no. 1 (1943): 1.Google Scholar
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69. Hefterman, A., “Hageulah beor haagadah,” SH 7 (1944): 172–181.Google Scholar
70. Tartakower, Aryeh, “Sakh hakot shel ḥurban,” SH 7 (1944): 441–455.Google Scholar
71. Shneour, Zalman, “Luḥot genuzim,” SH 6 (1942): 253Google Scholar. The poem was not published in its entirety until 1948.
72. Preil, Gabriel, “Azlu milim,” SH 6 (1942): 384.Google Scholar
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77. Efros, , “'Am,” SH 7 (1944): 210.Google Scholar
78. These included several anthologies, a joint collection on Yiddish and Hebrew literature, Aḥisefer, a short-lived quarterly, Mabu'a, and two jubilee volumes for Hadoar. See Kressel, Getzl, Leksikon hasifrut ha'ivrit badorot haaḥaronim, 2 vols. (Merhavia, 1967), 2:855–856Google Scholar; Encyclopaedia Judaica, 14:149–150.Google Scholar
79. Efros, , “Yoter ḥeresh meḥalom,” SH 8/9 (1946): 85.Google Scholar
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83. Preil, Gabriel, “Aviv benyu-york,” SH 8/9 (1946): 173–174Google Scholar. His poem in the same volume entitled “What the Heart Sees” (“Maḥazot shebalev.” p. 174Google Scholar) is, on the other hand, much closer to his normal literary style.
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88. Zeitlin, Aharon, “Himnon lamedinah,” SH 10/11 (1949): 9.Google Scholar
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90. Ibid., pp. 18–20, 26.
91. Ibid., p. 19.
92. Ibid., pp. 26–27.
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