Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-gq7q9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-19T15:24:51.909Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Radical Language and Ideology in Early Nineteenth-Century England: The Challenge of the Platform

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Get access

Extract

There is no uniform technique for the study of popular protest and ideology: different periods require different forms of analysis. Historians of the eighteenth-century crowd, for example, have to de-code the rituals, symbols, violence, and theatre of seemingly tumultuous collective behavior in order to infer the legitimizing aims and beliefs of the plebeians who were so rebellious in defense of custom. Students of Chartism, by contrast, have a less daunting task. They have merely to consult the movement's literature and propaganda, the very language of which, it is now argued, did not simply mediate but actually served to determine the nature and limitations of proletarian ideology in early nineteenth-century England. There is no need to de-code or decipher this public political language: it must be read as it was phrased, within the structural conventions and constraints of traditional oppositional discourse. Eschewing the orthodox social and economic interpretations of Chartism, Gareth Stedman Jones has insisted that the movement's altogether political language was neither symbolic nor anachronistic. It was political monopoly, the Chartists proclaimed and believed, which led to polarization and immiseration; it was political power, therefore, secured by the venerable Six Points, which would facilitate economic and social amelioration. Phrased in the traditional radical idiom of political exclusion, the Chartist challenge acquired unprecedented conjunctural relevance and force in the 1830s as parliament and the state were reformed at the expense of the unrepresented. Regional rental variations notwithstanding, the uniform £10 franchise of the 1832 Reform Act left the working class alone as the excluded and unrepresented people, separated from the “shopocrats” who acquired the vote and joined the ranks of the politically privileged.

Type
What Was Saint Anselm?
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1988

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Thompson, E. P., “Eighteenth-century English society: Class Struggle without Class?,” Social History 3 (1978): 133–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Jones, Gareth Stedman, “Rethinking Chartism,” in his Languages of Class: Studies in English working-class history 1832–1982 (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 90178Google Scholar.

3 Prothero, Iorwerth, “William Benbow and the concept of the ‘General Strike,’Past and Present 63 (1974): 143–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Williams, Raymond, Marxism and Literature (Oxford, 1977), pp. 2144Google Scholar. Neale, R. S., “Cultural Materialism: a critique,” Social History 9 (1984): 199216CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Jones, Stedman, Languages, pp. 20–2Google ScholarPubMed. For a critical analysis of Stedman Jones's use of linguistic theory, see Foster, John, “The Declassing of Language,” New Left Review 150 (1985): 2946Google Scholar.

6 Alexander, Sally, “Women, Class and Sexual Differences in the 1830s and 1840s: Some Reflections on the Writing of a Feminist History,” History Workshop Journal 17 (1984): 132–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Ibid., pp. 135–43. Taylor, BarbaraEve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (1983), ch. 9Google Scholar.

8 For sexual segregation at work, or gender division of labor, see Richards, Eric, “Women in the British Economy since about 1700: An Interpretation,” History 59 (1974): 337–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Snell, K. D. M., Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900 (Cambridge, 1985), chs. 1 and 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rose, Sonya, “‘Gender at Work’: Sex, Class and Industrial Capitalism,” History Workshop Journal 21 (1986): 113–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and John, Angela, ed., Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England 1800–1918 (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar.

9 Taylor, , Eve and the New Jerusalem, pp. 83260Google Scholar.

10 Compare Thompson's, E. P. criticism of Owen in The Making of the English Working Class (Penguin edn., 1968), pp. 857–87Google Scholar, with his reassessment of utopianism in the “Postscript” to the 1976 edn. of his study of William Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary. See also, Jones, Gareth Stedman, “Utopian socialism reconsidered,” in Samuel, Raphael, ed., People's History and Socialist Theory (1981), pp. 138–44Google Scholar; Taylor, , Eve and the New Jerusalem, pp. xiiixviiiGoogle Scholar; and, from a different perspective, Claeys, G., “Paternalism and Democracy in the Politics of Robert Owen,” International Review of Social History 27 (1982): 161207CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Thompson, Noel, The People's Science: The Popular Political Economy of Exploitation and Crisis, 1816–34 (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar.

12 Jones, Stedman, “Rethinking Chartism,” pp. 107–43Google Scholar.

13 Belchem, John, “Orator” Hunt: Henry Hunt and English Working-Class Radicalism (Oxford, 1985), pp. 166–7Google Scholar.

14 See the stimulating essays on “The Formation of British Working-Class Culture,” and The Making of the Working Class 1870–1914,” in Hobsbawm, Eric, Worlds of Labour (1984)Google Scholar. See also Stedman Jones's earlier and important essay on “Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,” reprinted in Languages, pp. 179–238.

15 Claeys, G., “The Triumph of Class-Conscious Reformism in British Radicalism, 1790–1860,” Historical Journal 26 (1983): 969–85Google Scholar. For a sociological revisionist perspective, see Calhoun, Craig, The Question of Class Struggle: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism during the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar.

16 Jones, Stedman, “Rethinking Chartism,” pp. 174–8Google Scholar.

17 Thompson, Noel, The People's Science, pp. 216–8Google Scholar.

18 Thompson, DorothyThe Chartists (1984), pp. 333–9Google Scholar; and her essay on Women and Nineteenth-Century Radical Politics: A Lost Dimension” in Oakley, A. and Mitchell, J., eds. The Rights and Wrongs of Women (1976)Google Scholar. Some of her points are contested by Jones, David, “Women and Chartism,” History 68 (1983): 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Thompson, Noel, The People's Science, pp. 224Google Scholar.

20 The inadequacy of the methods and preoccupations of intellectual history is discussed in Sewell, W. H. Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labour from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Dickinson, H. T., Liberty and Property: Political Ideology in Eighteenth-Century Britain (1977) chs. 6, 7Google Scholar. Thompson, E. P., Making, pp. 19–27, 84203Google ScholarPubMed.

22 O'Brien, P. K. and Engerman, S. L., “Changes in Income and its Distribution during the Industrial Revolution,” in Floud, R. and McCloskey, D., eds., The Economic History of Britain since 1700: vol.1 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 165Google Scholar.

23 Emsley, Clive, British Society and the French Wars 1793–1815 (1979), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Mokyr, J. and Savin, N. E., “Stagflation in Historical Perspective: The Napoleonic Wars revisited,” in Uselding, P., ed., Research in Economic History 1 (1976)Google Scholar.

25 Belchem, “Orator” Hunt, pp. 3244Google Scholar. Spater, George, William Cobbett: The Poor Man's Friend, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1982), 2: 314–6Google Scholar.

26 Dinwiddy, J. R., “Luddism and politics in the northern counties,” Social History 4 (1979): 3363CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Hobsbawm, Eric, “Artisan or Labour Aristocrat,” Economic History Review second series, 37 (1984), pp. 356–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Rule, John, The Labouring Classes in Early Industrial England 1750–1850 (1986), pp. 67Google Scholar.

29 Richmond, A. B., Narrative of the Condition of the Manufacturing Population (1824), pp. 192–3Google Scholar.

30 “Address of the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association, 17 August 1842,” quoted in Jenkins, Mick, The General Strike of 1842 (1980), p. 270Google Scholar.

31 There is a good analysis of this alternative political economy in Sykes, R. A.Popular Politics and Trade Unionism in South-East Lancashire 1829–42,” (Ph.D. thesis, Manchester University, 1982), 2: 345–50Google Scholar.

32 David Cannadine has identified four “generations” of economic historians in his historiographical study of The Past and the Present in the English Industrial Revolution,” Past and Present 103 (1984): 131–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Crafts, N. F. R., British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar, stands as the textbook of the latest generation.

33 Fores, M., “The Myth of a British Industrial Revolution,” History 61 (1981): 181–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Samuel, Raphael, “The Workshop of the World: Steam Power and Hand Technology in mid-Victorian Britain,” History Workshop Journal 3 (1977): 4560CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Berg, Maxine, The Age of Manufactures (1985), p. 11Google Scholar.

36 Sewell, , Work and Revolution in France, p. 1Google Scholar.

37 By far the best study of artisan attitudes and radicalism is to be found in Prothero, Iorwerth, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London: John Gast and his Times (Folkestone, 1979)Google Scholar. This is an area where comparative studies have flourished: see for example, Rule, JohnArtisan attitudes: a Comparative Survey of Skilled Labour and Proletarianization before 1848,” Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History 50 (1985): 2231Google Scholar; and Breuilly, J., “Artisan Economy, Artisan Politics, Artisan Ideology: The Artisan Contribution to the 19th Century Labour Movement” in Emsley, C. and Walvin, J., eds., Artisans, Peasants and Proletarians 1760–1860 (1985)Google Scholar.

38 Linebaugh, P., “Labour History without the Labour Process: A Note on John Gast and His Times,” Social History vii (1982): 319–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and his conference paper published in Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History 25 (1972): 1115Google Scholar.

39 Thompson, E. P., “Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present, 38 (1967): 5697CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Behagg, Clive, “Secrecy, Ritual and Fblk Violence: The Opacity of the Workplace in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century,” in Storch, R. D., ed., Popular Culture and Custom in Nineteenth-Century England (1982), pp. 154–79Google Scholar.

41 Price, Richard, “The labour process and labour history,” Social History 8 (1983): 5775CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Cronin, J. E.Industrial Conflict in Modern Britain (1979), pp. 38–9Google Scholar.

42 Reddy, William, The Rise of Market Culture: The textile trade and French society, 1750–1900 (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 See the famous section on The Rule of Law,” in Thompson, E. P., Whigs and Hunters (London, 1977), pp. 258–69Google Scholar.

44 Belchem, John, “Republicanism, Popular Constitutionalism and the Radical Platform in Early Nineteenth-Century England,” Social History 6 (1981): 132CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 Kemnitz, T. M., “Approaches to the Chartist Movement: Feargus O'Connor and Chartist strategy,” Albion 5 (1973): 6773CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Yeo, Eileen, “Robert Owen and Radical Culture,” in Pollard, S. and Salt, J., eds., Robert Owen: Prophet of the Poor (1971), pp. 93–5Google Scholar.

47 For a celebration of the working-class preference for commercial as opposed to rational and/or radical culture, see Golby, J. M. and Purdue, A. W., The Civilization of the Crowd: Popular culture in England 1750–1900 (1984)Google Scholar.

48 McCalman, Iain, “Unrespectable Radicalism: Infidels and Pornography in early 19th century London,” Past and Present 104 (1984): 74110CrossRefGoogle Scholar

49 Belchem, , “Orator” Hunt, pp. 6–7, and 151–7Google Scholar. My reassessment of Hunt should be read in conjunction with James Epstein's rehabilitation of The Lion of Freedom: Feargus O'Connor and the Chartist Movement, 1832–1842 (1982). Ascetic ultra-radicalism and purist “expressive” politics is the subject of Joel Wiener's study of Radicalism and Freethought in Nineteenth-Century Britain: The Life of Richard Carlile (Westport, 1983)Google Scholar. For the improvement ethic in operation, see Tholfsen, Trygve, Working-Class Radicalism in mid-Victorian England (1976)Google Scholar, and Royle, Edward, Victorian Infidels (Manchester, 1974)Google Scholar.

50 Belchem, “Orator” Hunt, ch. 2.

51 Pickering, Paul, “Class Without Words: Symbolic Communication in the Chartist Movement,” Past and Present 112 (1986): 144–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As Pickering rightly points out, oratorical performance was only one aspect of communication at mass meetings and demonstrations: unfortunately much of the interaction between platform and crowd, together with the ritual and symbols of these occasions has been lost in the historical record.

52 Belchem, John, “1848: Feargus O'Connor and the Collapse of the Mass Platform,” in Epstein, J. and Thompson, D., (eds.), The Chartist Experience: Studies in Working-Class Radicalism and Culture, 1830–60 (1982), pp. 269310CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Parssinnen, T. M., “Association, Convention and Anti-Parliament in British Radical Politics, 1771–1848,” English Historical Review 88 (1973): 504–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 For the subsequent discussion and dispute over programme and tactics, see Belchem, John, “Chartism and the Trades 1848–1850,” English Historical Review 98 (1983): 558–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

54 Seccombe, Wally, “Patriarchy Stabilized: The Construction of the Male Breadwinner Wage Norm in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” Social History 11 (1986): 5376CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The male family wage is a controversial topic among socialists and feminists, see Barrett, Michèlle and McIntosh, Mary, “The ‘Family Wage’: Some Problems for Socialists and feminists,” Capital and Class 11 (1981): 5172Google Scholar.