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²² e.g. St. Ludlow, Lawrence, Bury, St. MaryEdmunds, St., Mary, St. the Waiden, Virgin Saffron. Lander, J. R., “The Historical Bakcground to St. George's Chapel in the Fifteenth Century.” in St. George's Chapel Quincentenary: Quincentenary Handbook (Windsor, 1975), p. 9Google Scholar. Many of the finest towers of parish churches date from this period. It was also noted for the building of numerous private oratories and parochial chapels particularly in the large parishes of the north and for the building of church houses as more or less social centres for the parish. Hoskins, W. G., The Making of the English Landscape (London, 1955), pp. 101–4Google Scholar, Cowley, P., The Church Houses (London, 1970), Ch. VGoogle Scholar. Aristocratic endowment of colleges and chantries was also well maintained. Rosenthal, J. T., The Purchase of Paradise (London, 1972)Google Scholar. Several new, and popular, liturgical feasts were also intorduced. Pfaff, R. W., New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England (Oxford, 1970).Google Scholar

²³ See the collected studies in the posthumous volume, McFarlane, K. B., The Nobility of Later Medieval England (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1973).Google Scholar

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²⁶ See also below p. 8 and ns. 35 and 36. 26See above p. 2 and n. 4.

²⁷ Henry V had an unenviable reputation for borrowing books and never returning them. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester is, of course, famous as a patron of learning and his brother John, duke of Bedford, bought the French royal library of 843 volumes. As K. B. McFarlane demonstrates “The Lancastrian nobility widely imitated…the literary patronage which its royal house had exercised since John of Gaunt's bereavement had inspired the Book of the Duchesse.” The duchess's father had himself written a quite distinguished devotional treatise, Le Livre de Seyntz Medicines. For the subject in general, and for noble patrons and authors, see McFarlane, K. B., “William Worcester, A Preliminary Survey,” in Studies Presented to Sir Hilary Jenkinson, ed. Davies, J. Conway (Oxford, 1957), pp. 205–6Google Scholar, and The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp. 42-47, 228-47, Mitchell, R. J., John Tiptoft, 1427-1470 (London, 1938).Google Scholar

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³¹ Roskell, J. S., “The Problem of the Attendance of the Lords in Medieval Parliaments,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XXIX (1956): 189–95.Google Scholar

³² A Relation or Rather a True Account of the Island of England…, ed. Sneyd, C. R. (Camden Soc., 1847), p. 37Google ScholarPubMed. Even the power of the Welsh Marcher Lords has been exaggerated as far as the fifteenth century is concerned. Disorder in Wales and the Marches seems to have increased in the middle of the fifteenth century when the great landlords, who were mainly absentees, proved unable to give sufficient personal attention to the area, and more or less abdicated their power to a corrupt Welsh squirearchy. They failed to keep control of their estate revenues and to raise money allowed the cancellation of the sessions of many of the marcher courts in return for collective fines—with the most adverse effects upon the level of public order. Pugh, T. B., The Marcher Lordships of South Wales, 1415-1536 (Board of Celtic Studies, University of Wales, History and Law Series No. XX, 1963)Google Scholar, Pt. I, Griffiths, R. A., “Gruffyd ap Nicholas and the Rise of the House of Dinefwr,” The National Library of Wales Journal, XIII (1964): 256–68Google Scholar, “Gruffyd ap Nicholas and the Fall of the House of Lancaster,” Welsh History Review I (1964–1965): 213–31Google Scholar, The Principality of Wales in the Later Middle Ages: The Sturcture and Personnel of Government, I, South Wales, 1277-1536, (Board of Celtic Studies History and Law Series 26, Cardiff, 1972),pp. 27ffGoogle Scholar, “Patronage, Politics and the Principality of Wales, 1413-1461,” in British Government and Administration: Studies Presented to S. B. Chrimes, ed. Hearder, H. and Loyn, H. R. (Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 1974), pp. 67–86Google Scholar, Pugh, T. B., “The Marcher Lords of Glamorgan, 1317-1485,” in Glamorgan County History, Vol. IIIGoogle Scholar, The Middle Ages (Cardiff, 1971), pp. 202–3Google Scholar, see also R. R. Davies, “The Social Structure of Medieval Glamorgan; Bro Morgannwg and Blawnau Morgannwg,” in T. B. Pugh, “The Marcher Lords of Glamorgan,” pp. 302-4. Pugh, T. B., The Marcher Lordships of South Wales, 1415-1536, pp. 1–48.Google Scholar

³³ It is doubtful if a complete exception can be made even for the Percies, powerful as they undoubtedly were in the north. After all the royal revenues which they received as wardens of the East and Middle Marches were an immensely valuable addition to their revenues (Storey, R. L., “The Wardens of the Marches of England towards Scotland, 1377-1389,” English Historical Review, LXXII [1957]: 593–615.CrossRefGoogle Scholar) Their northern estates lay cheek by jowl with those of the Nevilles, the Dacres and the Cliffords and they derived a fair proportion of their income from estates in Lincolnshire, Sussex, Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Wales.

³⁴ e.g. In 1459 Sir William Skipwith accused three of York's councillors, Sir John Neville, Sir James Pickering and Thomas Colt of putting him out of the stewardship of the duke's manor of Hatfield (Yorks) and the constableship of the castle of Conisbrough for refusing to follow York to the first battle of St. Albans (1455). Armstrong, C. A. J., “Politics and the Battle of St. Albans, 1455,” p. 27.Google Scholar

³⁵ Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History…, ed. SirEllis, H. (Camden Ser., 1844), p. 199Google Scholar. Buckingham was betrayed by a servant, Humphrey Bannister, in whose house he had gone into hiding “whether for feare or money yt is soom dowt.” Ibid., pp. 199,201. Also in 1460 when the Neville earl of Salisbury (Warwick's father) had been captured by the Lancastrians after the battle of Wakefield “the commune peple of the cuntre whyche loued hym nat, took hym from owte of the castelle [Pontefract] by violence and smote of his hed.” An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II, Henry IV, Henry Vand Henry VI, ed. Davies, J. S. (Camden Soc., 1856), p. 107Google Scholar. The comment is all the more significant as this chronicle is decidedly pro-Yorkist in tone.

³⁶ Pugh, T. B., The Marcher Lordships of South Wales, 1415-1536, pp. 239–61.Google Scholar

³⁷ SirFortescue, J., The Governance of England, ed. Plummer, C., (Oxford, 1885), p. 130.Google Scholar

³⁸ Dictionary of National Biography, XIV: 295Google Scholar. Major's phrase was “regnum creator.”

³⁹ Armstrong, C. A. J., “Politics and the Battle of St. Albans, 1455”, p. 11Google Scholar, Pugh, T. B., “The Marcher Lordships of Glamorgan and Morgannwg, 1317-1485,” in Glamorgan County History, Vol. II, ed. Pugh, T. B. (Cardiff, 1971), pp. 195–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Lander, J. R., “Marriage and Politics in the Fifteenth Century: The Nevilles and the Wydevilles,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XXXVI (1963): 125–8Google Scholar, Head, C., “Pope Pius II and the Wars of the Roses,” Archivum Historiae Pontificiae, VIII (1970): 139–78.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Lander, J. R., “Marriage and Politics,” pp. 128–9.Google Scholar

⁴² See below p. 12.

⁴³ Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Existing in the Archives and Collections of Milan, Vol. I, ed. A. Hinds, B. (London, 1912), pp. 120–1Google Scholar, Calmette, J. et Périnelle, G., Louis XI et l'Angleterre (Paris, 1930), pp. 69 n. 5, 104Google Scholar, Pièce Justificatif, No. 28, Ross, C. D., Edward IV (London, 1974), pp. 114, 146.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ As C. D. Ross (Ibid. pp. 155-8, 164-6) points out Warwick's co-operation with the most prominent Lancastrians was distinctly uneasy and that, although popular feeling had swung towards him, his basis of support amongst the greater landowners and amongst the merchant classes was extremely narrow. Even the loyalty of his own brother, Marquess Montagu, was not above suspicion.

⁴⁵ The dukes of Exeter and Norfolk, the earls of Devon and Wiltshire, Lords Bonvile, Cobham, Cromwell, Egremont, Grey, Moleyns and Say, Storey, R. L., The End of the House of Lancaster, p. 79Google Scholar and Appendix IV, “John Benet's Chronicle for the years, 1400-1462,” ed. Harriss, G. L. in Camden Miscellany, Vol. IX (1972): 199–217Google Scholar. In 1450 York had also imprisoned Somerset in the Tower of London, ostensibly for his own protection.

⁴⁶ The earl of Devon, Lords Cobham, Clinton and Grey of Powys. Lord Clinton was probably the poorest of the English barons. The status of Lord Grey of Powys was ambiguous. He was twenty-two at this time. Neither he nor his father had ever been summoned to parliament (or, at least, no writs survive). The son is held to have become a peer by taking the special oath of fidelity to Henry VI on 24 July 1455. Mr. C. A. J. Armstrong has also described Lord Cobham as impoverished. Lander, J. R., “Marriage and Politics…,” pp. 123–5.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Those marked (*) were either killed or executed. Humphrey Stafford, duke of Buckingham *, Henry Holland, duke of Exeter, Edmund Beaufort, duke of Somerset*, Henry Beaufort, duke of Somerset, Thomas Courtenay, earl of Devon*, Henry Percy II, earl of Northumberland*, Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke, John Talbot, earl of Shrewsbury*, James Butler, earl of Wiltshire*, John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester, John, Viscount Beaumont*, William, Viscount Beaumont, Lords, Audley (James)*, Audley (John), Berners, Clifford (John)*, Clifford (Thomas)*, Dacre of Gillesland, Delaware, Dudley, Egremont*, Fauconberge (William Neville), Fitzhugh, Grey of Codnor, Greystock, Harrington*, Hungerford, Latimer, Lovel, Neville (brother of the earl of Westmorland), Roos of Helmsley, Rougemont-Grey*, Scales (Thomas)*, Scales (Anthony Ryvers), Sudeley, Vesci, Welles, Willoughby. John, Lord Audley, Lord Berners and Lord Fauconberg went over to the Yorkists. Full references are given in my book, Crown and Nobility, 1450 to 1509, pp. 301-2.

⁴⁸ Lander, J. R., “Marriage and Politics…,” pp. 125-9, 151–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See T. B. Pugh, “The Magnates, Knights and Gentry,” in Fifteenth Century England, 1399-1509, ed. S. B. Chrimes, C. D. Ross and R. A. Griffiths (Manchester, 1972), pp. 90, 116-117. Edward created seven new barons in 1461, another six between that date and 1470 and during the same period also created a dukedom, a marquessate and eight new earldoms.

⁵⁰ Exeter, Oxford, Hungerford, Roos and Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke. Although Lord Clifford's attainder was not reversed until 1485, he received a pardon in 1472. Somerset and Devon died without direct heirs, but the earldom of Devon was recreated for the earl's nephew in 1485.

⁵¹ The earl of Oxford and Lord Fitzhugh, both of whom were married to sisters of Warwick, Lord Scrope of Bolton, Lord Welles and Willoughby. Warwick's own Srother, the earl of Northumberland (later Marquess Montagu) tried to suppress Fitzhugh and sided with Warwick only during Henry VI's Re-adeption. Lander, J. R., “Marriage and Politics…” p. 147, n. 4.Google Scholar

⁵² Warwick-Lancaster peers 1470-71. In 1470 Lord Fitzhugh led a small insurrection in Yorkshire to divert Edward's attention from Warwick's invasion. Between Edward's landing at Ravenser (14 March 1471) and the battle of Tewkesbury (4 May) the following are known to have been in arms against him: Henry Holland, duke of Exeter; Edmund Beaufort II; titular duke of Somerset* (the attainder of 1465 was still unreversed); John Neville; Marquess Montagu (Warwick's brother)*; John Cour-teney; titular earl of Devon* (the attainder of his brother Thomas, of 1461, was still unreversed); John de Vere; earl of Oxford; Warwick. Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke is included as he was recruiting troops in Wales although he did not get them to Tewkesbury in time to fight. Just before Edward's landing Lord Stanley was beseiging Hornby Castle on behalf of the Lancastrians, and also as part of his own personal feud against the Harrington family. Lord Sudeley was in London with the Lancastrians, but apparently did not fight. When Edward arrived in London he ordered him to be arrested. The Historie of the Arrivait of Edward IV in England and the Finall Recouerye of His Kingdomes From Henry IV. A. D. M. CCCC. LXXI, ed. Gairdner, J. (4 Vols; Edinburgh, 1910)Google Scholar, (Camden Soc., 1838), pp. 8, 24, 27, 29-30,45; The Paston Letters, III: 9Google Scholar; “A Chronicle of Tewkesbury Abbey,” in Kingsford, C. L., English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century, (Oxford, 1913), pp. 376–7Google Scholar. The Arrivall p. 8 also mentions a Lord Bardolf but the Complete Peerage does not list a Lord Bardolf living at this date. Several modern works state that William, Viscount Beaumont, was in arms in 1470-1, but I know of no contemporary authority for this statement.

Yorkist Peers 1470-71. Anthony Wydeville, Earl Ryvers, Lord Cobham, Humphrey Bourchier, Lord Cromwell, Lords Grey of Codnor, Hastings, Howard and Say. Arrivall, p. 31. Henry Percy IV, whom Edward had recently restored to the earldom of Northumberland, provided no active support, though his presence probably prevented other northerners from attacking the king. Pugh, T. B. (“The Magnates, Knights and Gentry” in Chrimes, , et al., Fifteenth Century England, 1399-1509. p. 109Google Scholar) suggests that Northumberland could not support the king because the majority of his tenants were still Lancastrian in sympathy.

⁵³ The duke of Norfolk and the earl of Surrey (Father and son) and the earl of Nottingham (Berkeley) had received the lands of the Mowbray dukes of Norfolk (through co-heiresses) which Edward IV had denied them as well as other valuable grants, Viscount Lovell, Lords Scrape of Bolton and Dacre of Gillesland had also profited financially from royal grants. The others were Lord Ferrers and Lord Zouche. (“Magnates, Knights and Gentry” in Chrimes, et al., Fifteenth Century England, 1399-1509: Studies in Politics and Society, p. 109).The earl of Northumberland, who had also profited from grants came to the battlefields but did not fight. Lander, J. R., Conflict and Stability p. 99 and n. 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ ”Historiae Croylandensis Continuatio,” in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum, Tom. I, ed. Fulman, W. (Oxford, 1684), p. 574Google Scholar, Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History, p. 233. Welles was the son of Margaret, widow of John Beaufort, 1st duke of Somerset, who died s.p.m., 27 May 1444. In 1485 Welles, himself, was under attainer for his part in Buckingham's rebellion and he had never enjoyed his title owing to the (unreversed) attainder of his elder brother, Robert, in 1475. c.p., XII, Pt. ii, 444, 448.

⁵⁵ See below p. 14 and no. 58.

⁵⁶ John de la Pole, earl of Lincoln and Viscount Lovell supported Lambert Simmel, though Lincoln, in fact, probably hoped to seise the throne himself. Lord Fitzwalter was the only peer who joined forces with Perkin Warbeck. Lord Audley who took part in the Cornish Rebellion of 1497 had no Yorkist connections at that time. Edmund de la Pole, earl of Lincoln, (brother of John) was attainted for treasonable activities in 1504. Yet Henry's suspicions continued. In 1508, right at the end of his reign, he imprisoned Thomas Grey, marquess of Dorset, and Thomas Courtenay, the son of the earl of Devon, in Calais. The Chronicle of Calais in the Reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII to the Year 1540, ed. Nichols, J. G. (Camden Ser., 1846), p. 6Google Scholar. Courtenay had been in the Tower of London since 1501 for supporting Edmund de la Pole, earl of Lincoln. The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, ed. Hay, D., (Camden Ser., 1950), pp. 122–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See Lander, J. R., “Bonds, Coercion and Fear: Henry VII and the Peerage,” in Florilegium Historiale: Essays Presented to Wallace K. Ferguson, ed. Rowe, J. G. and Stockdale, W. H. (Toronto, 1971), pp. 327–367.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Roskell, J. S., “The Problem of the Attendance of the Lords in Medieval Parliaments,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XXIX (1959): 178–89Google Scholar. After 1461 the evidence is too thin to reach any firm conclusions.

⁶⁰ SirFortescue, J., The Governance of England, ed. Plummer, C. (Oxford, 1885), pp. 150–1.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Grants, Etc. From the Crown During the Reign of Edward the Fifth, ed. Nichols, J. G. (Camden Society, 1854), pp. xxxix–lxiiGoogle Scholar. For other similar views see the references collected in Lander, J. R., “Bonds, Coercion and Fear,” pp. 329–330 and ns. 6-12.Google Scholar

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⁶³ The Paston Letters, I: 230Google Scholar. Undated, but probably from 1451 as he was acting as a commissioner of oyer and terminer that year. He was a violent man and his affinity had a particularly bad reputation. Storey, R. L., The End of the House of Lancaster, p. 79Google Scholar. His son's treatment of the Pastons over Caister Castle is too well known to call for detailed comment here. However, in spite of his pretentions his influence was far from complete or overwhelming. His efforts in collaboration with Richard, duke of York, to dominate the shire elections in Norfolk in the 1450's were only partially successful. McFarlane, K. B., “Parliament and Bastard Feudalism,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4 Ser., XXVI (1944): 52–79Google Scholar. Also in 1474, Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, became Richard, duke of Gloucester's retainer, but the wording of the indenture between them makes it amply clear that this was a method of defining their areas of power, as Gloucester undertook not to accept into or retain in his service any servant retained with the earl. Dunham, W. H. Jr., “Lord Hastings' Indentured Retainers,” p. 77Google Scholar. For long-standing rivalry between the Percies and the archbishops of York see Select Cases in the Council of Henry VII, ed. Bayne, C. G. and Dunham, W. H. Jr., (Selden Soc., 1958), pp. 41–42.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Lander, J. R., “Council, Administration and Councillors 1461-1485,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XXXII (1959): 154–5.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Lander, J. R., “Bonds, Coercion and Fear,” p. 347.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ e.g. the earl of Kent, the marquess of Dorset and Lord Burgavenny. Lander, J. R., “Bonds, Coercion and Fear,” pp. 342–347.Google Scholar

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