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Grammar Schools and the Games Ethic in the Victorian and Edwardian Eras*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

J.A. Mangan
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Extract

Reform of the English grammar school system in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries owed much to the prestigious public schools of England. Institutional instruments of cohesion, control and status, proven in the public schools, were admiringly adopted. The evolution of the grammar school involved in large measure, imitation of its upper class superiors and segregation from its working class inferiors. In an accurate reflection of public school priorities, games and games fields were the expensive symbols of emulation, distancing, ambition, and success. The reason is not hard to find. Technological competence in an industrial era was less valued than an image of gentility in a strongly hieriarchical social system. The deferential absorption by grammar schools of the athletic mores of the public schools reveals a significant cultural hegemonic process at work. A bewildering variety of autocratic headmasters of differing persuasions and backgrounds served as agents of this diffusion, assimilation, and implementation of philathletic public school values. This fact, in conjunction with support at the higher administrative level of government for extension of the public school ideal of education into state secondary schools, ensured that the model for secondary education in the first half of the twentieth century was the late nineteenth century games-orientated public school rather than the technically-orientated late-eighteenth century dissenter academy.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 15 , Issue 4 , Winter 1983 , pp. 313 - 335
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1983

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Footnotes

*

This is a shortened and adapted version of a paper delivered at the Annual Conference of the History of Education Society at Loughborough University, December (1982). The fuller version will be published toward the end of 1983 in the Proceedings of the 1982 Annual Conference of the History of Education Society and will be available directly from the Society.

References

1 For a detailed description of these values, see Mangan, J.A., Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School: the emergence and consolidation of an educational ideology (Cambridge, 1981).Google Scholar

2 Curtis, S.J., History of Education in Great Britain (6th ed.; London, 1965), p. 163.Google Scholar

3 As Eaglesham records in the latter part of the nineteenth century this powerful and influential body consisted of Six Commissioners and a Secretary and administered the charitable Trust Acts and the Endowment Acts. See Eaglesham, E.J.R., The Foundations of Twentieth Century Education in England (London, 1967), p. 25.Google Scholar

4 Curtis, , Education in Great Britain, p. 170.Google Scholar

5 In this respect I echo Olive Banks when she states in her impressive Parity and Prestige in English Secondary Education (London, 1968), p. 4Google Scholar, that it is not her intention to present a history of the public system of education but to concentrate on the sociological implications of the development of the secondary grammar school.

6 Rogers, Phillip W., A History of Ripon Grammar School (Ripon, 1954), p. 123.Google Scholar

7 The hours of work necessary to maintain standards were very heavy for children. There were two hours of lessons (7 to 9 a.m.) before breakfast in the summer and one hour in the winter. School was resumed at 10 a.m. and lasted till 12:30 a.m. The afternoon session was from 2 till 5 p.m. (3 until 6 p.m. in the winter). There were half-holidays on Wednesday and Saturday,” (ibid., p. 125).

8 Ibid., p. 168.

9 Ripon Gazette and Times, Thursday July 24th, 1884.

10 Rogers, , Ripon Grammar School, p. 170.Google Scholar

11 Hill, C.P., A History of Bristol Grammar School (London, 1951) pp. 113–115.Google Scholar

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14 Sir Cyril Norwood (1875-1956) was educated at Merchant Taylors', and St. John's College, Oxford. He entered the Civil Service for a brief period, then taught at Leeds Grammar School from 1901 to 1906. He moved from Marlborough to the headship of Harrow (1925-1934). He was President of St. John's College, Oxford from 1934-1946 (see DNB 1957-1960, pp. 773-5).

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20 Harrow School Registers 1845-1935, 1845-1937, and the 1971 edition.

21 Lancing School Registers 1848-1832, 1901-1954.

22 Other permutations included primitive methodist local boy followed by public school scientist (see Jewels, E.N., A History of Archbishop Holgate's Grammar [York 1963], pp. 62–73Google Scholar); and local failure followed by local success (see Henthorn, F., The History of Brigg Grammar School, [Brigg, 1959], pp. 149–157Google Scholar).

23 Varley, B., The History of Stockport Grammar School (2nd ed.' Manchester, 1957), pp. 211–12Google Scholar. For a remarkably similar but somewhat less successful classical diffusionist S.G. Atkinson of Haileybury, see Torrance, W.G., The History of Alleynes Grammar School (Uttoxeter, 1959), pp. 67 ff.Google Scholar

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25 Walton, J. J. & Gregory, D.L., Handsworth Grammar School, 1862-1961 (Handsworth, 1962), p. 15.Google Scholar

26 Ibid., p. 21. Espirit de corps was consolidated no doubt by the school song which came somewhat later, and was a fine example of the liturgy of muscular Christianity. The chorus went:

It's a goal to the School, Hur-rah, Hur-rah! It's a goal to the School, Hur-rah, Scored by each man fulfilling God's plan, Three cheers for the School, Three cheers for the School, Hur-rah.

27 Fink, S.P.J., Queen Mary's Grammar School: A History from the Official Records (Walsall, 1954), p. 339.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., p. 460.

29 Other educative fragments included:

“The aged dame retains her fame By playing still the same old game” and “It's as easy from Streetly to see the sea As the knee of a bee or a flea in a tree” (ibid., p. 347).

30 Ibid., p. 359. (Chorley)

31 Pagett, Arthur G., A History of Baine's Grammar School (1928), pp. 150–163.Google Scholar

32 His first entry in the Log Book was as follows:

“Jan. 24, 1899. School opened at 9 a.m.: 26 boys present: Mr. … received a terms notice” (ibid., p. 151).

33 Pagett, Arthur B., Baine's Grammar School: a History 1900 to 1960, (Chorly, (1960).Google Scholar

34 Dobson, Han, Aireborough Grammar School: a History 1900 to 1960 (Aireborough, 1960).Google Scholar

35 The 1904 Board of Education's Rules for New Buildings and Equipment in Secondary Schools provided for “a gymnasium of unspecified size and a playground and playing field for cricket and football (boys), hockey and lawn tennis (girls)” (McIntosh, Peter C., Physical Education in England Since 1800, [London, 1968], p. 171Google Scholar). The secondary school went from strength to strength, the above Rules (later termed “suggestions”) were revised in 1931. Among further recommendations were good quality turf for pitches, “specially protected” cricket squares, and avoidance of overlapping hockey and tennis courts (see Seabourne, M. & Lowe, R., The English School: Its Architecture and Organization, 2 Vols. (London, 1977), 2:116Google Scholar).

36 Dobson, , Aireborough Grammar School, p. 48.Google Scholar

37 Salmon, Norman, Ilkley Grammar School 1607-1957 (1957), p. 57.Google Scholar

38 Lester, D.R.N., The History of Batley Grammar School, 1612-1962 (Batley, 1962), p. 154.Google Scholar

39 Duncan, L., The History of Colfe's Grammar School, 1652-1952 (Lewisham, 1952), p. 125.Google Scholar

40 Follett, F.V., A History of the Worcester Royal Grammar School (Worcester, 1951), p. 86.Google Scholar

41 Ibid., pp. 87, 107, 123, 135, 150. Hillard retired in 1928. His successor Henry Robert Pullinger's credentials for the post of headmaster of this second grade school turned public school were stereotypically sound. He was educated at Christ's Hospital and Queen's College, Oxford, he had taught at Llandovery College and St. Paul's, he was an ardent rugby and tennis player and at St. Paul's, in addition, he had been “a Boxing judge, President of Fives and Athletics and a coach of one of the School Eights” (p. 151).

42 Wardle, David, English Popular Education 1780-1975 (2nd ed.; Cambridge, 1976), pp. 123–3Google Scholar. Wardle finds two features of the modern secondary school inherited from the reformed nineteenth century boarding school—the house-system and organized games—of dubious legacy!

43 See Haley, Bruce, The Healthy Body and Victorian Culture (London, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a masterly review of those physio-psychological theories.

44 For example, The Fullerain (the magazine of the Watford Grammar Schools) has this significant advice for cricketeers in 1897: “Don't be sulky because after bowling five consecutive maidens you are taken off. If the Captain is mistaken it is his fault” (Hughes, W.G. and Sweeney, M., Watford Grammar Schools for Boys and Girls 1704-1954 [Watford, 1954], p. 39Google Scholar).

45 Hill, , Bristol Grammar School, p. 148.Google Scholar

46 Banks, , Parity and Prestige, p. 4.Google Scholar

47 Halsey, A.H., Change in British Society, (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1980) p. 48.Google Scholar

48 Banks, , Parity and Prestige, p. 8.Google Scholar

49 Hurt, J.S., Elementary Schooling and the Working Classes 1860-1918 (London, 1979), p. 166.Google Scholar

50 McIntosh, , Physical Education in England, pp. 118–123.Google Scholar

51 Seabourne, & Lowe, , The English School, p. 104.Google Scholar

52 McIntosh, , Physical Education in England, pp. 211–22.Google Scholar

53 Young, Michael & Willmott, Phyllis, The Symmetrical Family (London, 1973), pp. 19 ff.Google Scholar

54 Halsey, , Change in British Society, p. 48.Google Scholar

55 Ingram, William, The Power in a School (London, 1957), p. 218.Google Scholar

56 Banks, , Parity and Prestige, p. 46.Google Scholar

57 Armytage, W.H.G., The German Influence on English Education (London, 1969), pp. 54–5, 70–1 and 4-6.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., p. 71.

59 See Thomas, A.W., A History of Nottingham High School 1573-1953 (Nottingham, 1957), p. 237Google Scholar. Needless to say it was Gow's firm belief, therefore, that “‘organized play’ ‘was as important a part of school-training as organized reading’ … and he gave a great deal of thought to the provision of opportunity for … formal games” (p. 219).

60 Ingram, , Power in a School, p. 179–80.Google Scholar

61 Wilmot, Darwin, A Short History of the Grammar School, Macclesfield 1503-1910 (Macclesfield, 1910), pp. 124 and 128Google Scholar. Governors who favorably impressed were also warmly remembered: “By Mr. Elstob's appointment masters and boys felt they had gained a Governor who would do his best to see that the cricket grounds and all other things connected with the School Games were kept up to the mark” (p. 125).

62 Elliot, Bernard, A History of Kibworth Beauchamp Grammar School (Kibworth Beauchamp, 1957), p. 65.Google Scholar

63 Greenland, R.H., Barnsley and District Holgate Grammar School: Its Origins and History (Barnsley, 1961), p. 103.Google Scholar

64 Leese, John, Personalities and Power in English Education (London, 1950), p. 230Google Scholar. Initially, the Secondary Inspectorate consisted of public school men. For a more critical view of Morant's influence on the evolution of secondary education see Dent, C., Secondary Education For All (London, 1949), pp. 30–39)Google Scholar, and for a more qualified view, see Banks, , Parity and Prestige, pp. 39 ff.Google Scholar

65 Eaglessham, , Twentieth Century Education in England, p. 56.Google Scholar

66 Rodgers, Daniel T., The Work Ethic in Industrial America 1850-1920 (Chicago, 1978), p. 109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

67 For a discussion of the gradually changing attitudes in the public schools and the reasons for it, including intellectual pressure from the grammar schools, see Mangan, , Athleticism, pp. 209–19.Google Scholar