Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-fwgfc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-09T19:46:30.552Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Impact of the Ulster Crisis (1912–1914) on the British Labour Party*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Get access

Extract

The British Parliamentary system has broken down in Ulster as it has broken down many times in Ireland in the past. In fact, many events in the current agonizing crisis of Northern Ireland suggest scenes from the past. The mutual hatreds of Catholics and Protestants seem unchanged from the seventeenth century world of Cromwell and William of Orange. The Orange Lodges of 1973 seem the same as those of 1795. William Craig's Ulster Vanguard is a conscious revival of Sir Edward Carson's Ulster Volunteers of 1912-1914. The Provisional I.R.A. in 1973 attempts to re-enact the history of the Irish Republican Army of Michael Collins in 1920 and 1921. One element from past Irish troubles, however, is fortunately lacking. This breakdown in Ireland, unlike all earlier breakdowns, has created no crisis in Britain. In the past, British Governments have been badly shaken by Irish troubles. This time, however, there is no battle over Ireland either within the British parties or between the British parties.

It was dramatically different in the months between April, 1912, and August, 1914, the period of the battle over the Third Home Rule Bill and the starting point for this paper. This Ulster crisis brought Ireland to the brink of civil war, turned the Conservative Party into sponsors of rebellion, and produced something like a mutiny among the officers of a British Army unit. These events have been described in several books and in many chapters of political histories and biographies. Indeed, the Ulster crisis and the reactions of the Conservatives, Liberals, and Irish Nationalists have been amply studied. Only one group in the story has been neglected. With the exception of George Dangerfield in his Strange Death of Liberal England, writers on the Ulster crisis virtually ignore the Labour Party. This is easily understood. The battle over Home Rule which initiated the Ulster crisis of 1912-1914 was waged between the Liberal Government allied with the Irish Nationalists on one side and the Conservative Party with their Ulster Unionist wing on the other.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1973

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Paper read to the Pacific Northwest Conference on British Studies, Eugene, Oregon, March, 1973.

References

1 NcNeill, Ronald, Ulster's Stand for Union (London, 1922)Google Scholar; Ryan, A. P., Mutiny at the Curragh (London, 1956)Google Scholar; SirFergusson, James, The Curragh Incident (London, 1964)Google Scholar; and Stewart, A.T.Q., The Ulster Crisis (London, 1967).Google Scholar

3 More precisely, Protestant Ulster included only the six most northern of the nine counties of the traditional province of Ulster.

4 The Times (London), July 29, 1912.Google Scholar

5 Pelling, Henry, A History of British Trade Unionism (Middlesex, 1963), pp. 135199Google Scholar; and Williams, Francis, Magnificent Journey, the Rise of the Trade Unions, (London, 1954), pp. 244270.Google Scholar

6 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 36 (April 10, 1912), cols. 1174-77.Google Scholar

7 Mann, Tom, Memoirs (London, 1923), pp. 298313.Google Scholar

8 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 36 (March 25, 1912), cols. 84-85.Google Scholar

9 The Times (London), June 25, 1912.Google Scholar

10 Fergusson, , Curragh Incident, pp. 15122Google Scholar and Ryan, , Mutiny at the Curragh, pp. 95161.Google Scholar

11 Daily Herald (London), March 25, 1914.Google Scholar

12 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 40 (March 23, 1914), cols. 120-121.Google Scholar

13 Ibid., Vol. 40 (March 23, 1914), col. 275.

14 Ibid., Vol. 40 (March 23, 1914), col. 277.

15 Ibid., Vol. 40 (March 23, 1914), col. 96.

16 Ibid., Vol. 40 (March 23, 1914), col. 94.

17 Lenin, V. I., Collected Works, December 1913—August 1914 (Moscow, 1964) vol. 20, p. 228.Google Scholar

18 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 41 (April 28, 1914), cols. 1577-78.Google Scholar

19 SirChamberlain, Austen, Politics from Inside, an Epistolary Chronicle, 1906-1914 (New Haven, 1937) pp. 631–2.Google Scholar

20 Report of the Fifty-Second Annual Gathering of the Trades Union Congress (1920), pp. 112–15.Google Scholar

21 Report of the Fifty-First Annual Gathering of the Trades Union Congress (1919), p. 333.Google Scholar

22 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 119 (August 5, 1919), col. 119.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., Vol. 119 (August 7, 1919), col. 634.

24 Report of the Fifty-First Annual Gathering of the Trades Union Congress (1919), p. 294.Google Scholar

25 Henderson, Arthur, “Direct Action, A Dangerous Policy,” Friendly Society of Iron Founders, Monthly Journal and Report, July 1919.Google Scholar

26 Daily Herald (London), July 25, 1919.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., July 14, 1919.

28 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 132 (August 5, 1920), cols. 2629-30.Google Scholar

29 The Times (London), August 14, 1920.Google Scholar

30 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 133 (August 16, 1920), col. 133.Google Scholar

31 Ibid., Vol. 159 (November 23, 1922), col. 56-57.

32 Ibid., Vol. 159 (November 23, 1922), col. 57-58.

33 Ibid., Vol. 176 (August 6, 1924), col. 2929.

34 Jones, Thomas, Whitehall Diary, vol. 1, 1916-1925, edited by Middlemass, Keith (London, 1969), p. 297.Google Scholar

35 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 177 (October 8, 1924) col. 596.Google Scholar

36 Ibid., Vol. 177 (October 8, 1924) col. 690.

37 British Gazette (London), May 6, 1926.Google Scholar

38 British Worker (London), May 7, 1926.Google ScholarPubMed

39 Johnson, Thomas, A Handbook for Rebels, a Guide to Successful Defiance of the British Government (Dublin, 1919), p. 33.Google Scholar

40 Parliamentary Debates (Commons), Vol. 195 (May 5, 1926), cols. 331.Google Scholar

41 There were some exceptions among Marxist intellectuals. Harold Laski, for example, used the Ulster crisis to demonstrate that the British ruling class might subvert a Labour Government which threatened their basic interests. Laski, Harold, Democracy in Crisis (London, 1933), pp. 84, 86, 90–91, 106, 108, 110, and 253Google Scholar; Laski, Harold, “This Dictatorship Business,” New Clarion (London), August 26, 1933Google Scholar; and Laski, Harold, “Laski's Answer to Attlee,” Tribune (London), August 13, 1937.Google Scholar