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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Traditional religious distinctions gradually eroded in eighteenth-century England under the impact of enlightenment rationalism: reason replaced revelation as the criterion for belief, order ousted enthusiasm in worship, and interdenominationalism blurred sectarian boundaries in philanthropic endeavors. But the French Revolution, economic troubles and radical political activity after 1815, and intellectual Romanticism put an end to co-operation and encouraged the growth of denominational self-consciousness. That rise of denominationalism led to the greatest conflict between the sects and the Establishment since perhaps the mid-seventeenth century. The clash began on the local level in the 1820s when the Church attempted to use its legal powers to collect rates; the events of 1828-1829 ushered in a period of conflict on the national level, as well. The Church turned to the state for support, only to find that Whigs and Liberals, in power for most of the period before 1874, were erastians and latitudinarians. So the Church in its turn became militant; high-churchmen in particular came to distrust Parliament and to emphasize the independent sources of clerical authority in sacerdotalism and the apostolic succession.
The period from roughly 1830 to 1870 was one of heightened religious tension. Nonconformists, having gained civil equality, now attempted to eliminate other symbols of the Anglican hegemony. Roman Catholics, sloughing off anglo-gallicanism for ultramontanism, asserted their spiritual claims and talked of converting England.
I thank Professor Irby C. Nichols, Jr., North Texas State University, who suggested that the topic was worth enquiry; Professor Josef L. Altholz, University of Minnesota, Ms. Eileen Mitchell, Ms. Susan Wood Paz, and Dr. Richard Rockwell, Boys Town Center for the Study of Youth Development, critiqued drafts of the paper. Computer funds from the University of Nebraska at Omaha assisted research; Mr. Steven L. Strong, University of Nebraska Computer Network, gave advice on programming. I read earlier versions of the paper at the Missouri Valley History Conference, Omaha, March 1978, and at the Graduate Social History Seminar, University of Birmingham, May 1978; I thank Dr. Dorothy Thompson and the members of the seminar for their comments.
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3 Fraser, Derek, Urban Politics in Victorian England: The Structure of Politics in Victorian Cities (Leicester, 1976), pp. 10–14Google Scholar; and “Edward Baines,” in Hollis, Patricia, ed., Pressure from Without in Early Victorian Britain (New York, 1974), pp. 183–209Google Scholar; Newsome, David, The Parting of Friends: A Study of the Wilberforces and Henry Manning (London, 1966).Google Scholar
4 The creation of the hierarchy is of crucial importance for the English Roman Catholic Church's internal history (Bossy, John, The English Catholic Community, 1570-1850 [London, 1975], pp. 354–363Google Scholar).
5 The Times, 9, 14, 19 Oct. 1850; Morning Herald, 14 Oct 1850. The phrase “papal aggression” first appears in the national press in a letter from “A London Clergyman” (The Times, 24 Oct. 1850).
6 The Times, 22 Oct. 1850; Standard, 24 Oct. 1850; Record, 24 Oct. 1850; Illustrated London News, 26 Oct. 1850; Newman, J. H., Sermons Preached on Various Occasions, (London, 1898), pp. 121–159.Google Scholar
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13 The bishops were not united in their protests. J. B. Sumner, Archbishop of Canterbury, opposed the idea of requiring candidates for Parliament to bind themselves to repeal Roman Catholic Emancipation and urged laymen to remain in their parishes even if the priest were a ritualizer. Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, who hated Whigs as much as Roman Catholics, charged that the Russell ministry's latitudinarian religious policy had encouraged Pius to proceed with his scheme. The Archbishop of Dublin, on the other hand, refused to sign any address that censured the government (The Times, 11, 20 Nov. 14 Dec. 1850; Philipotts to Francis Close, 19 Nov. 1842, Philipotts Papers, Exeter Cathedral Library, D&C Exeter/ED/11/14, by permission of the Dean and Chapter: Phillpotts to H. E. Graves, 11 Nov. 1850, ibid., ED/11/76; Richard Whateley to J. B. Sumner, 18 Dec. 1850, Edward Copleston Correspondence, Devon Record Office, 1149 M/F 185, by permission of Mrs. F. E. Copleston).
14 For announcements and reports of meetings, see The Times for November and December 1850, under the heading “The Papal Aggression.”
15 Ibid., 11, 15, 21, 29, 30 Nov. 1850; Illustrated London News, 30 Nov. 1850.
16 Rev. John Goodacre to the Ven. George Wilkins, 12 Nov. 1850. Archdeaconry of Nottingham Manuscripts, University of Nottingham Library, Misc. 281a.
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29 On the roles of Russell and Wiseman see my “Papal Aggression,” pp. 120-129.
30 The memorials are found in “Return of the Number of Addresses which have been presented to Her Majesty on the Subject of the Recent Measures taken by the Pope for the Establishment of a Roman Catholic Hierarchy in this Country,” PP, 1851, 59 (84): 649–739Google Scholar; the petitions are found in Reports of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Public Petitions (Session 1851).
31 See Fraser, Derek, “Voluntaryism and West Riding Politics in the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” Northern History, 13 (1977): 199–231CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the correspondence dealing with efforts to organize the county meeting in the Wharncliffe Muniments, Sheffield City Library, Wh.M. 526(d).
32 No adequate study of the Victorian public meeting exists. Besides specialized studies of specific movements, see Jephson, H. D., The Platform, Its Rise and Progress, (London, 1892)Google Scholar; Keith-Lucas, B., “County Meetings,” Law Quarterly Review, 70 (1954): 109–114Google Scholar; and Fraser, Peter, “Public Petitioning and Parliament Before 1832,” History, 46 (1961): 195–211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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34 The only way to judge the proportion of “repeaters” is to be alert to the bodies that produce the petitions. If one finds petitions coming from “the Wesleyan congregation of X,” “the Wesleyan Sunday school of X,” and other variations of the theme, then the odds are that one has “repeaters.” Such a practice apparently was common in the petition drive against Graham's Factory Bill of 1843; see my “Politics of Public Education in Britain, 1833-1848: A Study of Policy and Administration,” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1974), p. 274–276.Google Scholar
35 Parliament also received 1481 petitions, bearing 526, 226 signatures, against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Perhaps most of these came from Ireland, but this remains an untapped source for Roman Catholic opinion.
36 “Religious Census, England and Wales: 1851,” PP, 1852–1853, 89 (89).Google Scholar
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38 Figures are from “Census of Great Britain, 1851: Population Tables, II,” PP, 1852–1853, 88, Pt. I [1691]: 304–310Google Scholar; geographical distribution of Irish summarized in Darby, H. C., ed., A New Historical Geography of England After 1600 (Cambridge, 1976), p. 171.Google Scholar
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40 Second-order partial correlation controls for two variables, third-order controls for three variables, and so on.
41 Mueller, John H., Schuessler, Karl F., and Costner, Herbert L., Statistical Reasoning in Sociology, (Boston, 1977), pp. 252-265, 275–289Google Scholar; Blalock, Hubert M. Jr., Social Statistics, (New York, 1972), pp. 376-385, 433–440Google Scholar; Key, V. O. Jr., A Primer of Statistics for Political Scientists (New York, 1966), pp. 105-127, 151–152Google Scholar. Partial correlation is no corrective when independent variables covary. Blalock, however, recommends that procedure rather than multiple regression analysis when independent variables covary, as they do in this instance. That is, church-attendance for any sect tends to behave like church-attendance for all sects.
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43 See appendix for the rank-order list.
44 Population figures are from “Census of Great Britain, 1851: Population Tables, I,” PP, 1852–1853, 85 [1631]: 106.Google Scholar
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47 Ideally one should calculate anti-catholic rates on the population “at risk” (i.e., memorialists per thousand not Roman Catholic or not Irish population), since Irish or Roman Catholics probably would not be prejudiced against themselves. The state of the evidence, however, does not permit such calculations. This problem should not greatly influence the correlation coefficients as the minorities were minor.
48 The anti-catholic sentiment of Lancashire may also be understated for the same reason: Liverpool's memorial was signed only by the chairman.
49 Old Dissent includes Independents, Baptists, Presbyterians, Unitarians, Quakers, and Plymouth Brethren.
50 I distinguish between Wesleyans and other Methodists (i.e., Welsh Calvinists, Lady Huntingdon's Connexion, Primitive Methodists, and the other small secessions from Wesley's conference).
51 Besides the independent congregation that Horace Mann aggregated (the identities of which are unknown), I include Mormons, Sandemanians, the Catholic Apostolic Church, and the foreign protestant congregations in London. I have excluded Jews and the handful of Orthodox congregations from the calculations. (Mann counted synagogue attendances that Sunday; presumably the results in no sense reflect Jewish strength.)
52 Beds, Hunts, arid Northants omitted.
53 Northants omitted in these last three categories.
54 Surrey and Cornwell omitted.
55 Notts omitted.
56 The negative correlation between memorialists and other Methodists (-.23) is due to Northants having scored highest among memorialists and third from the bottom with respect to other Methodist church attendances. With it eliminated, a coefficient of -.16 shows a much weaker relationship.
57 Norfolk, Suffolk, Herts, Berks, Oxford, Dorset, Hereford, and Rutland.
58 Berks, Hereford, Northants, Suffolk, East Riding.
59 Cornwell, Gloucester, and Surrey omitted.
60 Notts, Surrey, Gloucester, Lanes, Kent, Westmoreland, Staffs, and Derby omitted.
61 Cornwell, Durham, and Norfolk omitted; if Kent, Gloucester, and Surrey are also ommitted, r= +.62.
62 Derby, Gloucester, Notts, and Surrey omitted.
63 But Wesleyans generated only nine memorials and less than a quarter of a percent of the signatures. The paradox is resolved by recollecting that nothing prevented Wesleyans from initiating or attending public town or parochial meetings.
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