1 Some familiarity with ancient Near Eastern history must be presumed. Efforts will be made in the text to relate civilizations to each other.

2 For English translations of the various law codes, see Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (2d ed. J. B. Pritchard 1955).

3 The bibliographical material is so vast that it is impossible to cite here even a representative selection.

4 See V. KoroŠec, Hethitische StaatsvertrÄge: E in Beitrag Zu Ihrer Juristische Wertung, Leipziger Rechtswissenschaftliche Stodien No. 60 (1931).

5 See G. E. Mendenhall, Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East (1955), originally published in 17 the Biblical Archaeologist 26 (1954). A development of MendenhaU's comparison of the treaties and the Old Testament covenants can be found in his article Covenant, The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, s. v. (1962). See also K. Baltzeb, Das Bundesfobmular (1960), where the author arrived at conclusions much the same as Mendenhall's; D. J. Mccarthy, Treaty and Covenant (1963); D. R. Hellers, Treaty-Curses and the Old Testament Prophets (1964).

6 See F. Thureaudangin, Die Sumerischen Und Akkadischen Königsinschriften, No. 4a, at 10 (1907).

7 Translation is basically that of S. N. Kramer. See Kramer, S. N., The SumerianS 310(1963)Google Scholar.

8 See V. Scheil, Textes ÉLamites-Anzanites, Mémoires De La DéLégation En Perse,No. 11, 1 (1911). See also Hinz, , Elams Vertrag wit Naraām-Sin von Akkade, 58 ZeitschwftfüR Assybiologle 66 (1967)Google Scholar

9 See Hinz, W, Das Reich Elam 63 -64 (1964)Google Scholar.

10 See G. Dossin, Cohrespondance De ŠAMŠI-addu, 4 Archives Royales De Mari, No.20 (1951). It should be noted that the text was written after the death of Shamshi- Adad, so a new relationship had to be established (see line 5)

11 See Dossin, , Iamhad et Qatanum, 36 Revue D'Assyriologie 51 (1939)Google Scholar.

12 For a comprehensive study of treatymaking at Mari, see Korošec, Les relations internationales (d’après les lettres de Mari, in La Civilisation De Mari, Xve Rencontre Assyriologioue International, 1967, at 139 (1967).

13 For a denial of the appellation of this text as “treaty,” see Huffmon, , The Exodus, Sinai, and the Credo, 27 Catholic BiblicalQ. 105 n.18 (1965).Google Scholar

14 See Wiseman, , Abban and Alalah, 12 J. Of Cuneiform Studies 126 (1958)Google Scholar.

15 For the most important collection of texts, see E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente Aus Kletnasien: Die StaatsvertrÄge In Akkadischer Sprache Aus Dem Archiv Von Boghazkoi, Boghazkoi Studien Nos. 8–9 (1923); J. Friedrich, Staatsvertrage Deshatti-Reiches In Hethitischer Sprache, Pt. 1 (1926), Pt. 2 (1930).

16 See KohoŠec, supra note 4, at 12–14.

17 See Mendenhall, supra note 5, at 34–35.

18 See, e.g., the treaty between Mursillis II and Duppi-Teshub, in Friedrich, supra note 15, at 1, D, col. ii, line 12, or the treaty between Zidantas and Pilliya of Kizzuwatna, in Often, H., Ein althethitischer Vertrag mit Kizzuwatna, 5 J. Of Cuneiform Studies 129, line 10 (1951)Google Scholar.

19 See, e.g, the treaty between Mursillis II and Duppi-Teshub, in Friedhich, supra note 15, at 1, D, col. iv, line 23.

20 See “The Soldier's Oath,” in Friedrich, , Der hethitische Soldateneid, 35 Zeitschhift Für Assyriologie 161 (1924)Google Scholar.

21 See 4 Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi 1 (1924). See also Witzel, M., Hethitische Keilschrift-Urkunden, Keil-Inschriftliche Studien, No. 4, at 60 (1924)Google Scholar, and the translation by Goetze, in Pritchard, supra note 2, at 354.

22 See S. Smith, the Statue of Idrimi (1949). For the reference to the treaty with the Hurrians, see id. 16–19, lines 43–58. See also Landsberger, , Assyrische Konigsliste und “Dunkles Zeitaher” (cont.), 8 J. Of Cuneiform Studies 55 (1954)Google Scholar.

23 See Albright, , Some Important Recent Discoveries: Alphabetic Origins and the Idrimi Statue, 118 Bull, Of The American Schools Of Oriental Research 14 (1950)Google Scholar.

24 See Wiseman, D. J., The Alalakh Tablets no. 3 (1953)Google ScholarPubMed.

25 See discussion by Wiseman, id. 32n, and the discussion by Korošec, , Quelques remarques juridiques sur deux traités intemationaux d'Alalah, in 17 Droits De L'antiqutté Et Sociologie Juridique, Mélanges Henri LéVy-Bruhl 171 (1959)Google Scholar.

26 Note the parallelism between “oath” and “treaty.“

27 See Wiseman, supra note 24, no. 2 (1953), and H. Klengel, Geschichte Syriens Im 2. Jahrtausend V.U.Z., Pt. 1, Nordsyrien 221, 232–33 (1965).

28 The archives of the royal palace of this city-state on the Mediterranean coast near the modern Syrian port of Latakia yielded hundreds of important texts which shed light upon the culture of Syria-Palestine during the middle of the second millennium.

29 Le Palais Royal D'Ugarit, 284–86 (published by J. Nougayrol, 1956).

30 The lands from Byblos to Ugarit, virtually all of the Lebanon, were hostile because they were following Amurru. For a discussion of the political situation, see Liverani, M., Storia Di Ugarit Nell'EtÀ Degli Archivi Politici, Studi Semitici No. 6, 32 (1962)Google Scholar. Dussaud thought that Ugarit was in the superior position. See R. Dussaud in a communication to the Académie Des Inscriptions Et Belles-Lettres, Comptes Rendus 130 (1956).

31 See 34 Cuneiform Texts From Babylonian Tablets &C. In The British Museum,pi. 38, i, 1–4 (1914).

32 See , G.A. & Reisner, M.B., Inscribed Monuments from Gebel Barkal: Part 2. The Granite Stela of Thutmosis HI, 69 Zeitschrift For Ᾰgyptische Sprache Und Altertumskunde 24 (1933)Google Scholar.

33 Id. at 32, line 24.

34 “Hier glaubten sich die Könige … vor allem dazu berufen, die ganze Welt der Herrschaft ihres Gottes Assur zu unterwerfen.” Von Soden, , Religion und Sittlichkeit nach den Anschauungen der Babylonier, 89 Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenlöndischengesellschaft 143, 152 (1935)Google Scholar.

35 Weidner, , Der Staotsvertrag Aššumiraris VI. von Assyrien mit Mati'ilu von Bit- Agusi, (A. “Der Vertrag Šamši-Adads V. mit Marduk-zakir-sumi I.“), 8 Archtv Für Ortentforschung 27 (1932)Google Scholar.

36 Id. at 17–27.

37 See Dupont-Sommer, , Les inscriptions arameéennes de Sfiré(stales I et II), In 15 Extraits Des MéMoires PréSentéS Par Divers Savants À L'AcadéMie Des Inscriptionset Beixes-Lettres 197 (1958)Google Scholar; Dupont-Sommer, , Une inscription araméenne inédite de Sfiiré, 13 Bull, De MuséE De Beyrouth 23 (1956)Google Scholar; J. A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions Of Sefire (1967).

38 For a discussion of the date of the Sefire materials, see Fitzmyer, supra note 37, at 2–3; Mccarthy, supra note 5, at 62; Noth, , Der historische Hintergrund der Inschriften von Sefire, 77 Zeitschrift Des Deutschen PalÄstina-Vereins 122–23, 128–38 (1961)Google Scholar.

39 Wiseman, D. J., The Vassal-Treaties Of Esahhaddon 81 (1958)Google Scholar; reprinted from 20 IRAQ, Pt. 1 (1958).

40 See Streck, M., Assurbanipal Und Die Letzten Assyrischen Könige Bis Zum Untergang Niniveh's, Pt. 2, Texte 12 (1916)Google Scholar (Annalen, i, 118)

41 Id. at 68 (Annalen, viii, 45). See also other examples in Chicago Akkadian Dictionary, A, Pt. I, at 131b. See also San Nicolò, , Materialen zur Viehwirtschaft in den neubabykmischen Tempeln, V, 25 Orientalia 25 (1956)Google Scholar; Dellar, , Zur Terminologie neuassyrischer Urkunden, 57 Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes 31–33 (1961)Google Scholar.

42 See 4 J. Breasted, Ancient Records Of Egypt 881. For the text, see SchÄfer, H., Urkunden Der Alteren ᾸThiopenköNige, Urkunden Des ᾸGyptischen Altertums,Hft.. 1, No. 3 at 51-53 (1905)Google Scholar.

43 For the text of the treaty, see Borger, R., Die Inschriften Asahhaddons Königs Von Assyrien, Archiv Für Orientforschung Behiefte, No. 9, 107–09 (1956)Google Scholar; see also Weidner, Staatsvertrag Aššsurniraris, supra note 35, at 29–34.

44 See Wiseman, Vassal-Treaties, supra note 39.

45 For a fine example of traditional Near Eastern practice not considered in this study,see Bickerman, , Hannibal's Covenant, 73 American J. Of Philology 1 (1952)Google Scholar; Manni, , L'AUeanzo Punico-macedone del 215 A. C, Memorie Della Reale Accademia Di Bologna; Classe Di Scienze Morall Ser. IV, No. 3 at 5 (1941)Google Scholar; David, ,The Treaties between Rome and Carthage and Their Significance for Our Knowledge of Roman International Law,In Symbolae Ad Jus Et Historiam Antiquttatis Pertinentis Julio Christiano Van Oven Dedicatae 231(1946)Google Scholar.

46 For a discussion on these points, see von Soden, supra note 34, at 150–51; Boyer, , De la science juridique et de sa mithode dans I'ancienne Mésopotamie, 4 Semitica 6 (1951–1952)Google Scholar; Speiser, , The Biblical Idea of History in Its Common Near Eastern Setting, 7 Israel Exploration J. 203 (1957)Google Scholar; Lambert, , Nebuchadnezzar King of Justice,27 IRAQ 1 (1965)Google Scholar.

47 See, e.g., Frankfort, H., Ancient Egyptian Religion 49 (1948)Google Scholar.

48 See, e.g., Güterbock, Authority and Law in the Hittite Kingdom, in J. A. Wilson et al, Authority and Law in the Ancient Orient 16 (1954); Gü Terbock, , Die historische Tradition und ihre literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniem und Hethitern bis 1200,44 Zeitschrift FüR Assyriologie 94 (1938)Google Scholar.

49 Some scholars maintain that the oath was the principal feature in the treaties from the first millennium B.C., but not in those from the second millennium where the elaborate ceremony and ritual was of primary importance. This writer cannot agree in such a conclusion, for there is ample evidence that the oath and the ritual were integrally connected in the earlier treaties and that the ritual accompanied the oath in the later treaties, even though it may have been less elaborate. For the view that there was a definite development from ritual to oath, see Gelb, Book Review of Wiseman, supra note 39, in 19 Bibliotheca Orientalis 161 (1962).

50 See, e.g., Mendenhall, supra note 5.

51 Virtually all scholars accept the fact that the Pentateuch (or Torah) is a combination of at least four different sources over a four or five hundred year period.

52 The Massoretic Text is not correct. The translation adopted here is neutral, for it seems impossible to construct a conclusive text.

53 The usual translation is “Awesome One“; see, e.g., Alt, , Der Gott der Väter, In 1 Kleine Schmften Zur Geschichte Des Volkes Israel, 24-26 (1959)Google Scholar. The translation should most likely be “Kinsman” on the basis of Palmyrene Aramaic and Arabic cognates. See Albright, W. F., Stone Age To Christianity 188–89, 327 n.71 (2d ed. 1957)Google Scholar.

54 See Fensham, , The Treaty between Israel and the Gibeonites, 27 Biblical Archaeologist 96 (1964); Google Scholar see also Grintz, , The Treaty of Joshua with the Gibeonites, 86 J. Of The Amer. Oriental Soc. 113 (1966)Google Scholar.

55 Other treaties undoubtedly did exist, but the references are usually vague. See, e.g., Fensham, , Did a Treaty between the Israelites and the Kenites Exist? 175 Bull, Of The Amer. Schools Of Oriental Research 51 (1964)Google Scholar.

56 In 853 B.C., both Ben-Hadad of Aram and Ahab of Israel joined in the coalition which met and sucessfully stopped the Assyrian advance of Shalmaneser III at Qarqar on the Orontes River.

57 Old Babylonian version published by Langdon, S., The Legend of Etana and The Eagle, or the Epical Poem “The city they hated,” 12 Babyloniaca 1, plates i-xiv (1931)Google Scholar; for the Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian versions, see Ebeling, , Ein mittelassyrisches Bruchstuck des Etana-Mythus, 14 Ahchiv FüR Ohientforschung 298 (1944)Google Scholar.

58 Id. at 14, pi. 9, i, 10–11.

59 See Langdon, supra note 57, at 23, r. 12–13.

60 See also the covenant between David and Abner in 2 Sam. 3.