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²⁴ Census tract data were not available for Lincoln or Mill Valley. Data for the other cities in this study were prepared by superimposing precinct boundaries on tract maps and reaggregating precinct voting statistics so that election and census districts were comparable. For a further description of this procedure, see Hahn, , “Ethos and Social Class,” 299 Google Scholar. The author currently is conducting an extension study supported by U. S. Public Health Service grant No. DH 00151 of referendum voting behavior in approximately 60 U. S. cities employing social and economic variables obtained from city block statistics rather than from tract data.

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²⁷ This study will attempt to compare not only voting patterns between cities but also the sentiments of relatively high or low status segments of the electorate both within the same community and in different communities. For a statement about the utility of focusing upon the study of social areas, or census tracts, rather than individuals, see Tryon, Robert C., “Identification of Social Areas by Cluster Analysis,” University of California Publications in Psychology, 8 (08 1955), 4 Google Scholar.

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²⁹ Perhaps referenda also have given citizens an increased opportunity to project their personal sentiments about the war in their votes rather than asking them to respond to the specific alternatives posed by an interviewer, which usually have focused on the international rather than the personal implications of foreign policy proposals.

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³¹ Although the variables or categories of income, education, and occupation are both inter-related and ipsative—that is, the proportion of persons at one level will affect the percentage at another level, they are not mirror images of each other. Consequently, all of the classifications have been reported both to indicate the patterns or the thresholds reflected by the correlations and to provide a more complete picture of the associations between socioeconomic status and the vote on Vietnam policy than would be possible through the use of summary measures.

³² The mean vote against the Vietnam war in Madison ranged from 59 percent in tracts with a median income below $4,000 to 37 percent in tracts where the median income was $8,000 or more.

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⁴¹ Verba, , et al., “Public Opinion and the War in Vietnam,” 325 Google Scholar.

⁴² In Dearborn and Beverly Hills, however, the percentage of foreign-born residents was closely-related to the vote against American participation in the war.

⁴³ Due to limitations on degrees of freedom in some cities, only first-order partial correlations were used in this study. Missing data for some variables also necessitated the elimination of Beverly Hills from this analysis.

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⁴⁶ See Milbrath, Lester W., Political Participation (Chicago: Rand, McNally, 1965), pp. 56–58 Google Scholar.

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⁵¹ Impressionistic, unstructured interviewing conducted after the first vote on the Vietnam war in Dearborn, Michigan, in fact, suggested a sharp distinction between the “ideological” reactions to the referendum issue that were elicited in relatively affluent sections of the community and the highly “personal” responses that emerged in working-class neighborhoods where the proposal to withdraw American troops from Vietnam received a clear majority. While many high-status voters evaluated the controversy as a necessary defense against the global threat of Communist expansion or as an unwarranted intervention in a civil war, most working-class residents responded to the war as a tangible and direct threat to the lives of American men. Since their interpretation of the war was confined to the death and injury that it implied, the perspectives of working-class voters left them with few alternatives except to oppose the war. See Hahn, and Sugarman, , “A Referendum on Vietnam,” 14–15 Google Scholar.