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Notes from the Editor

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 April 2005

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The inaugural issue of the American Political Science Review was published in November of 1906. To mark the centennial of the APSR, the November 2006 issue will feature a special section devoted to considerations of the evolution of political science. This special section will be an extra feature, above and beyond the regular complement of research articles.

Type
NOTES FROM THE EDITOR
Copyright
© 2005 by the American Political Science Association

ANNOUNCEMENT

The inaugural issue of the American Political Science Review was published in November of 1906. To mark the centennial of the APSR, the November 2006 issue will feature a special section devoted to considerations of the evolution of political science. This special section will be an extra feature, above and beyond the regular complement of research articles.

The APSR is actively soliciting submissions on the broad theme of the special section.

If you are interested in submitting a paper, please contact the editor of the APSR at to express your interest and to provide a brief description of the paper you would like to submit. Also, please bring this solicitation to the attention of others who may be interested and encourage them to contact the editor.

Like all other papers submitted to the APSR, submissions received in response to this solicitation will undergo peer review. Overseeing this process will be the editor of the APSR, Lee Sigelman, and a member of the APSR's editorial board, M. Elizabeth Sanders of Cornell University.

To be considered for publication, a paper must be no more than 15–17 pages in length, conventionally formatted (e.g., double-spaced throughout, including notes and references, with margins of at least one inch on all sides and set up in at least an 11-point font size).

In light of the length constraints, authors are advised to address a specific theme rather than aiming at a broader, synoptic disciplinary overview. Pertinent examples would include: an analysis of a particular turning point in the evolution of the discipline or of the role played by a particular individual; a treatment of the evolution of some influential school of thought; a comparison of the evolution of two subfields of political science, or of political science in the U.S. and another area, or of political science and another discipline; or a consideration of how a certain type of scholarship has influenced and/or been influenced by public policy, or the relationship between political science and the state. (These are offered only as examples, rather than as a definitive set of topics to be addressed.)

To be considered for publication, submissions must reach the APSR office by no later than January 2, 2006, but earlier submission is encouraged.

Inside this Issue

Relationships ranging from the interpersonal to the international are built on trust. A prerequisite for friendship and cooperation, trust involves a sense of reliance on or confidence in another, especially when one is vulnerable. Trust is built up over time by repeated confirming instances of support, but it can erode over time due to disappointing interactions, and it can even be erased completely in a single act of treachery. Our cover picture of trapeze artists in midair points to the amazing feats that can be accomplished when trust is earned and maintained, yet it also hints at the devastating consequences that can arise when trust is misplaced. These themes run through the articles in this issue of APSR.

From smirks and sighs during presidential debates to hard-hitting attack ads, campaigning for political office, always a contact sport, has increasingly been plagued by “unnecessary roughness” in recent years. In “The New Videomalaise: Effects of Televised Incivility on Political Trust,” Diana C. Mutz and Byron Reeves examine the impact of disparaging political discourse. Mutz and Reeves build on an extensive body of scholarship that has assumed or hypothesized, but has yet to convincingly demonstrate, a direct relationship between viewing televised campaign coverage and holding “negative” political attitudes. Based on an innovative research design that involves, among other elements, a mock congressional campaign debate performed by professional actors and readouts from skin conductance electrodes, Mutz and Reeves establish a direct link between specific types of televised political discourse and levels of political trust. These findings yield surprising insights about the malleability of political trust and suggest anew that in politics, what you say may be less important than how you say it.

The potential undermining of trust during an election cycle is not necessarily limited to the campaign. According to Mark Andreas Kayser, the costs of an election extend far beyond what a tally sheet of campaign expenditures and operating costs might suggest. In “Who Surfs, Who Manipulates? The Determinants of Opportunistic Election Timing and Electorally Motivated Economic Intervention,” Kayser explores the relationship between elections and politically motivated economic intervention. Governments with the ability to call elections within a broad time period, he suggests, are less likely to manipulate the economy for electoral purposes. Assuming that politically motivated economic interventions constitute an inefficient use of budgetary resources, their elimination would lower the incidental costs of elections. This analysis is a must-read, especially for those in fixed-election democracies.

Of course, playing fast and loose with the rules is not confined to domestic politics. In an era of increasing globalization, states are no longer the only actors that need to be held accountable. In “Accountability and the Abuse of Power in World Politics,” Ruth W. Grant and Robert O. Keohane go beyond the simple assertion that the accountability processes at work within democratic states can be transferred to the international system. Instead, they offer a typology of accountability mechanisms for different international actors, including states, as well as intergovernmental institutions, transnational networks, and nongovernmental organizations. This typology not only advances prior theoretical and conceptual understandings of accountability in its international context, but also provides both a checklist for scrutinizing international actors and a road map for international actors that are attentive to accountability concerns.

Responsible global politics requires not only mechanisms of accountability, but something of a common identity, or at least a modicum of trust between international actors. Continuing in the same line of scholarship that was evidenced in his September 2002 APSR article, “Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments,” Arash Abizadeh questions the widely held supposition that in-group solidarity requires the presence of an out-group against which to frame group identity. Such a belief would make it impossible to create an all-encompassing global identity, which would, by definition, lack the requisite out-group. However, Abizadeh argues, in “Does Collective Identity Presuppose an Other? On the Alleged Incoherence of Global Solidarity,” that this conception of identity is fundamentally flawed. Although many obstacles to the creation of a global identity remain, Abizadeh removes one significant point of misunderstanding from its path.

The politics of us-versus-them is also relevant to answering questions regarding domestic politics. For example, why do we often see social democratic parties acting in opposition to their own self-interests? In “Insider–Outsider Politics in Industrialized Democracies: The Challenge to Social Democratic Parties,” David Rueda argues that that is the wrong question because it starts from an incorrect premise. Social democratic parties are not cohesive advocates of labor but, instead, are composed of both labor “insiders” and “outsiders.” This heterogeneity results in divergent preferences. By disaggregating social democratic parties into their constituent units, Rueda sets the stage for a new generation of research on this important topic.

Insiders and outsiders are similarly found in American politics and history. In their provocative article, “Racial Orders in American Political Development,” Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith contend that a framework of racial orders is a critical component of any study of American politics, even for topics that are not prima facie race-related. From institutional organization to policy preferences, analyses that fail to take race seriously are lacking an important explanatory variable. At a bare minimum, scholars must justify the exclusion of race from their study, although King and Smith advocate a more thorough treatment of the issue and urge practitioners to shine a spotlight on this issue.

With so much scholarly attention devoted to the executive or cabinet in a parliamentary government, one might be forgiven for forgetting that a parliament is first and foremost a legislative body. Lanny W. Martin and Georg Vanberg remind us of this fact in “Coalition Policymaking and Legislative Review.” Going beyond the traditional focus on government formation and dissolution, Martin and Vanberg examine the tools available to governing parties, emphasizing the pivotal role of legislative review in coalition governments. Their thorough theoretical and empirical analysis demonstrates that legislators have a meaningful role to play in the policymaking process.

The next article in this issue also investigates who has meaningful decision-making roles, this time from a foreign policy perspective. Why did the United States invade Iraq? Why does the United States support Israel? Identifying the sources of influence on such weighty decisions is the focus of Lawrence R. Jacobs and Benjamin I. Page's “Who Influences U.S. Foreign Policy?” Previous research has identified organized groups, epistemic communities, and public opinion as leading domestic influences on foreign policy. Jacobs and Page present an innovative comparative test of these three sources across different issue areas and institutional settings. Their findings, which dispute commonly held beliefs among foreign policy analysts, suggest a major rethinking of American foreign policymaking.

Important decisions are made not only by superpowers with mighty armies, but also by individual citizens with meager assets. One perennial decision-making question is whether welfare recipients shop around for the most generous states in which to live. Political scientists have reached conflicting conclusions in trying to answer this important public policy question. No state wants to be known as a welfare magnet, with the attendant spiral of increasing demand and decreasing revenues, nor do most states want to be exceedingly callous toward the less fortunate, so the answer to this question has significant implications for policy makers. Michael A. Bailey assesses past research and provides new insights in “Welfare and the Multifaceted Decision to Move.” Augmenting previous modeling of the welfare migration question with a more realistic and complete explanation of the considerations involved in moving across state lines, Bailey not only finds a modest but significant relationship between benefit levels and residency decisions, but also discovers that when people decide to move, there is truly no place like home.

Finally, we revisit Ethan Putterman's August 2003 APSR article, “Rousseau on Agenda-Setting and Majority Rule.” Controversial in death as he was in life, Rousseau has inspired generations of scholarship and debate. Two political theorists of more recent vintage continue the discussion in our “Forum” section. First, John T. Scott contends that Putterman has misinterpreted Rousseau's argument about representation and leadership. That is an important charge in itself, but more is at stake here than the correct interpretation of Rousseau's text, for this question brings into play greater issues concerning both the essence and the integrity of the democratic process. Putterman's forceful response to Scott should leave readers assured that this debate is far from over.

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General Considerations

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INDEXING

Articles appearing in the APSR before June 1953 were indexed in The Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. Current issues are indexed in ABC Pol Sci; America, History and Life 1954–; Book Review Index; Current Contents: Social and Behavioral Sciences; EconLit; Energy Information Abstracts; Environmental Abstracts; Historical Abstracts; Index of Economic Articles; Information Service Bulletin; International Index; International Political Science Abstracts; the Journal of Economic Literature; Periodical Abstracts; Public Affairs; Public Affairs Information Service International Recently Published Articles; Reference Sources; Social Sciences and Humanities Index; Social Sciences Index; Social Work Research and Abstracts; and Writings on American History. Some of these sources may be available in electronic form through local public or educational libraries. Microfilm of the APSR, beginning with Volume 1, and the index of the APSR through 1969 are available through University Microfilms Inc., 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 (www.umi.com). The Cumulative Index to the American Political Science Review, Volumes 63 to 89: 1969–95, is available through the APSA.

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