1 Polnoe Sobranie Sochineniĭ, ed. Chernyshevski, M. N. (10 vols.. St. Petersburg, 1906), VIII, 389–390, hereafter referred to as Soch Google Scholar.

2 Sock., vi, 730–731

3 Sock., vi, 183 and cf. Mill, , On Liberty (London, 1859), p. 157 Google Scholar.

4 It would be very tempting to engage in a long analysis of this “saving,” “miserly” quality of the descendants of the New England Puritans. We may confine ourselves, however, to the following observation?: that there was some connection between the Puritanism of Massachusetts and the ethics of capitalism which arose in colonial America is not to be denied. This is the real issue which Mill, Lavrov, and Chernyshevski have sensed and hit upon here. I t remained for Marx and after him for Max Weber and R. H. Tawney to draw the coordinates of this problem. An outstanding work which treats this subject comprehensively and without extremes is Robertson's, H. M. Aspects of the Rise of Economic Individualism (Cambridge [Eng.], 1933)Google Scholar.

5 Soch., vi, 184.

6 Cf. Schlesinger, A. M. and Fox, D. R., eds. A History of American Life, VII, Arthur C. Cole, ȜThe Irrepressible Conflict: 1850–1865ȝ (New York, 1934), 34–58 Google Scholar for the economic structure and class striation in the South in the last years before secession. For persecutions of anti-slavery elements in the Old South, cf. Macy, Jesse, The Anti-Slavery Crusade (New Haven, 1920), pp. 65–84 Google Scholar and Hart, A. B., Slavery and Abolition (New York and London, 1906), pp. 205–206 Google Scholar. The role of Chernyshevski (together with Dobrolyubov and other contemporary Russian radicals) as opponents of the Southern slave system is recognized in recent Soviet historiography. Cf.' Eggert, Z., ȜOtmena Rabstva V SShA I Otkliki V Rossii,ȝIstoricheski Zhurnal (Moscow, 1943), pp. 69–75, esp. pp. 74–75Google Scholar.

7 Cf. the researches of Thomas Wertenbaker, J., for example, Patrician and Plebeian in Virginia (Charlottesville, Va., 1910), pp. 2–3 Google Scholar: “ I t was for many years the general belief, and is still the belief of many, that the wealthy families whose culture, elegance and power added such luster to Virginia in the eighteenth century, were the descendants of cavalier or aristocratic settlers… . This view is erroneous … but few men of high social rank in England established families in Virginia … the larger part of the aristocracy of the colony came directly from merchant ancestors … the leading planters of the seventeenth century were mercantile in instinct and unlike the English aristocrat of the same period.” Also cf. Wertenbaker, , “The First Americans,” A History of American Life, 12 vols. (New York, 1938), pp. 22–49 Google Scholar for a valuable discussion on land holding in early Virginia with disproof of the idea of the prevalence of great latifundia in the colonial period.

8 Soch., vm, 390

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., pp. 390–391.

11 Cole, op. cit., p. 112. Cole also asserts that Ȝwhile farms in general were decreasing in size, successful and ambitious individuals competed in accumulating ever larger tractsȝ in this period, p. 103.

12 Although it is true that this resistance was doomed in the face not only of democracy and anti-rent riots but because of advancing Ȝcapital and business enterpriseȝ as well. Cf. Fox, D. R., The Decline of Aristocracy in the Politics of New York (New York, 1919), pp. 437–438 Google Scholar.

13 Cf. Philip, Foner, Business and Slavery (Chapel Hill, 1941), pp. 143–147 Google Scholar and Smith, T. C., Parties and Slavery: 1850–1859 (New York and London, 1906), pp. 179–181 Google Scholar for a good discussion of the effects of the Panic of 1857.

14 According to Hart, op. cit., pp. 67–68, only 350,000 white families out of 1,800,000 such families owned slaves in the South in the last years before the Civil War. 77,000 owners possessed one slave apiece, 200,000 owned between two and ten slaves, and only 2300 families owned more than 100 slavesGoogle Scholar.

15 Soch., vin, 391–39

16 Ibid.

17 Cf. Cole, op. cit., pp. 34–36

18 Cf. Hart, op. cit., pp. 62–63

19 Cf. Sock., vm, 392–394 for this and preceding quotation.

20 Cf. Hart, op. cit., pp. 202–21S; Macy, op. cit., p. 54 and Aptheker, Herbert, American Negro Slave Revolts (New York, 1943), pp. 293–295 Google Scholar for these aspects of the anti-slavery movement. It should also be noted in fairness to Chernyshevski that in another place he correctly dated the genesis of the nineteenth century anti-slavery movement on the level of propaganda to about 1830, and only its political activity to about 1845. Soch., vi, 756. For corroboratory material on Buchanan, cf. Hart, op. cit., pp. 68–69.

21 Hart, ibid., p. 137. Cf. Jenkins, W. S., Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South (Chapel Hill, 1935)Google Scholar for a comprehensive study of this rationale.

22 Cf. Sock., VIII, 396

23 Soch., via, 31

24 Sock, ix, 193–194.

25 Cf. Bailey, Thomas A., A Diplomatic History of the American People (New York, 1941), pp. 247–281 Google Scholar, 294–295 for a good discussion of these aspects of American foreign policy.

26 Cf. ibid., pp. 340–341.

27 Cf. Sock., VIII, 32–35 for detailed repetitions of Chernyshevski's opinion that Ȝof all the difficulties and insufficiencies of the United States, the main cause, and in great part, even the unique cause, is slaveryGoogle Scholar.ȝ

28 Soch., vi, 160. Cf. also ibid., p. 171 on this subject

29 Sock., rv, 67

30 To make his viewpoint quite unmistakable, Chernyshevski reprinted (from the London Times) a very sympathetic outline of Brown's career plus two documents of the latter's military society for the liberation of the slaves. Soch., v, 440–446, citations from p. 441Google Scholar.

31 Soch., VI, 730–731. Chernyshevski's statements on the nature of the Democratic Party in the South in this period may be corroborated in Nichols, R. F.' The Democratic Party Machine: 1850–1854 (New York, 1923)Google Scholar.

32 Soch., VIII, 380–381. For a slight shift in Chernyshevski's view of the degree of mass allegiance to the extremist Southern leaders cf. Soch., vrn, 194 (in a long review of de Tocqueville's Democracy in America). “Their impudence (i.e., meaning the Southern leaders of the Democratic Party, D.H.) became so unbearable that the masses began to forsake them. Then they started the war.” As we shall see, in the totality of Chernyrshevski's prognostications concerning the Civil War, his most significant error was to be the prediction of the lack of “vitality” in any Southern Confederacy. Here it was wishful thinking on Chernyshevski's part, to be repeated more than onceGoogle Scholar.

33 Sock., VIII, 387 (January, 1861).

34 Chernyshevski's line of reasoning was derived principally from a book by an American, an anti-slavery writer named Abbott, John, South and North (New York, 1860), pp. 307 ffGoogle Scholar. (quoted by Chernyshevski, ibid., VIII, 371 ff.). It was advocated by many extremist abolitionists, although Abbott himself was not of this number. For other expressions of Chernyshevski's persistent opposition to any compromise proposals or solutions of the secession issue, cf., Soch., VIII, 403,435–436,454–456,495 and ix, 196–246.

35 Soch., VIII, 452 (May, 1861)

36 Soch., VIII, 368. For statistics on the cotton trade and New York City in the decade prior to the Civil War, cf. Foner, op. cit., p. 7. It may be added that at the crucial testing time, despite pre-war waverings, the New York merchants remained loyal to the Union

37 Sock, VIII, 36–38.

38 Sock, VIII, 439.

39 Soch., VIII, 447, and 480–841.

40 Soch., vrn, 456 and 481

41 Soch., VIII, 508. Cf. also ibid., VIII, 517–518 for a sort of indirect and grudging admiration for the military sacrifices of the South in proportion to her populationGoogle Scholar.

42 Soch., ix, 225 and 246

43 Cf. Soch., VIII, 482–486 and Soch. ix, 186–190, 195. For the role of English popular support of the North in the Trent affair, as viewed by Chernyshevski, cf. Soch., vin, 528– 29.

44 Sock., vi, 756, and VIII, 507–509; 529–530, and ix, 197.

45 For Seward, cf. Soch., VIII, 425. For Lincoln's “moderate” views, cf. Soch., vm, 377, 379–380 and 435. Severe criticisms of Lincoln for weakness in the conduct of the war may be found in Soch., vm, 509 and ix, 197.

Though Chernyshevski looked favorably upon old General Winfield Scott, Soch., vm, 488, when the latter retired early in the war, Chernyshevski's admiration for the new commander-in-chief, McClellan, was quite extreme at first, Soch., vm, 491–492, Aug., 1861. By September, after Bull Run, this attitude became a trifle more restrained (508), and in January, 1862, even a little sarcastic. By March, the shift was complete, with McClellan openly attacked as either a “traitor” or a “not very skillful strategist.” “If he did not deceive the Northern government, then the enemy generals deceived him.” Finally, in a kind of caustic rebound of faith in Lincoln, Chernyshevski added that “the president at least is no traitor” (Soch., ix, 226–227).

For one example of Chernyshevski's animosity and distrust for the Southern leaders, cf. his condemnation of Jefferson Davis, Soch., VIII, 452–454.

46 Almost every issue of the Contemporary from May, 1861 (when the news of Fort Sumter reached St. Petersburg), carried résumés of military news and reviews of the fighting from Chernyshevski's pen. He always tried to relate military considerations to questions of over-all political aims and strategy on the part of the Northern government. For his intelligent appraisal of the Monitor-Merrimac encounter, cf. Soch., ix, 231 ff. For a reasoned defense of Northern paper money issues early in the war, cf. Soch., ix, 196Google Scholar.

47 Cf. the ardently expressed abolitionist views of Beaumont, Charles, the American, 426,445, in What Is To Be Done? A Vital Question, tr. (New York, 1886 Google Scholar.

page 20 note 1 1 Cf. L. Piper, Mirovozzrenie Gertsena (Moscow, Leningrad, 1935) and I. Novich, Dukhoynaya Drama Gertsena (Moscow, 1937). These two recent Soviet studies of Herzen's life and thought ignore almost entirely the role of America in his world-outlook

page 20 note 2 Herzen, Memoirs: My Past and Thoughts, vi, p. xvi.

page 20 note 3 Ibid., in, 23-24.

page 20 note 4 Herzen became acquainted with Democracy in America as early as 1837, while he was in exile at Vyatka. The new Governor, Kornilov, a schoolmate of Pushkin's, brought this work with him and gave it to Herzen upon his arrival. Ibid., i, 350. A few of Herzen's comments seem strongly derivative from this author. However, Herzen never warns, for example, against the "tyranny of the majority," an important concept of Democracy in America, 2 vols., tr. (Cambridge, Mass., 1862), i, Ch. xv.

page 20 note 5 E.g., Memoirs, n, 61; Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenili Pisem, ed. M. K. Lemke, 21 vols. (Petrograd, 1919-1923), (hereafter referred to as Soch.), vii, 339.

page 20 note 6 Cf. Herzen, Memoirs, v, 238-239. There are many instances of personal contact with both these revolutionary figures and with American travellers which are recorded in the Memoirs. Herzen also seems to have invested some of his fortune in American holdings, and there are several references to these financial transactions in his writings. Cf. Soch., xx, 8, 14. 7

page 20 note 7 I am not neglecting the sketch of the early drama, "William Penn"' which was written in 1838. I t is a work which Herzen himself criticizes as "an unhappy dramatic experiment mercilessly slain by Belinski… .',' There are in this sketch several references to America and to Pennsylvania as the site of Penn's colony — a colony to be founded on Christian Socialist principles. Although this was not intended to be an historical drama at all, but rather an exposition in literary form of the transformation of a religious outlook into a revolutionary or socialist one, Herzen's tribute to Washington, and Franklin, to Lafayette, to Penn (despite the "failure" of his colony), and to America, the land, is a foreshadowing of some of Herzen's later thoughts on America. There is no doubt that Herzen's reading of de Tocqueville's Democracy in America inspired his choice of Penn as subject for this poetic drama. Cf. Soch., n, 208-211 and R. Labry, Alexandre Ivanovich Herzen (Paris, 1928), pp. 197-201.

page 21 note on 8 It was also in those years, up to about 1864, that Herzen's influence was greatest.

page 22 note on 9 Herzen, Memoirs, in, 135-136.

page 22 note on 10 De Tocqueville, it is true, had earlier noted the powerful role of money and prominent place of the middling standard in American life, op. tit., i, 64, 66

page 22 note on 11 Herzen, Memoirs, in, 185-186.

page 22 note on 12 Ibid., Herzen wrote of America in a similar vein in 1867 — that "there was no need to make a fuss over America: she sails at full speed into the open sea." He then quoted Goethe's "excellent verses" about America: "Useless memories and vain disputes do not alarm your present," Soch., xix, 114.

By this Herzen presumably means that American progress is untrammelled by tradition and therefore proceeds in.a straighter and simpler mode of development than do the nations of Western Europe. Cf. also ibid., xx, 135: "America strong, rude, powerful, energetic, without the ruins of a past which would encumber the route of the present: America can take care of herself — Let us leave her to the American's."

page 23 note on 13 Herzen, Memoirs, v, 236

page 23 note on 14 Ibid., vi, 11

page 23 note on 15 Ibid., p. 8. For an amplification of this view cf. also pp. 4-5 and ibid., v, 238-239 (March, 1867). For Henry James' well-known catalog of virtues absent in American life cf. his essay on Hawthorne (New York, 1880), pp. 42-43

page 23 note on 16 Herzen, Memoirs, vi, 86

page 24 note on 17 Ibid., iv, 320. As it happened, Golovin did return to plague Herzen

page 24 note on 18 Herzen, Sock, vi, 206

page 24 note on 19 Memoirs, vi, 95. Also cf. Soch., ix, 190 for similar views expressed in 1858

page 24 note on 20 Soch., ix, 200

page 25 note on 21 The source of this interest was surely traceable in part to the Decembrists and to the French Utopian Socialists. De Tocqueville also deals with this subject, op. cil., i, 73-79, 346-348. Labry categorically asserts, however, that Herzen was won to the idea of a federal republic while observing municipal life during his stay in Italy (October, 1847 to May, 1848). This belief in a federal republic "was born directly in contact with Italian life outside of any and all direct influence of Proudhon"; cf. R. Labry, Herzen el Proudhon (Paris, 1928), p. 57. While the relations of the two men were quite close, Herzen's development in the direction of "anarchism" was quite independent of Proudhon, ibid., pp. 65, 74-75. Herzen, of course, thought of federalism more and more in terms of a possible application to a socialist Russia.

page 25 note on 22 Herzen, Memoirs, n, 401-402

page 26 note on 23 Ibid., m, 105.

page 26 note on 24 Ibid., vi, 91. Also cf. ibid., v; 232 on Herzen's very favorable attitude towards the separation of church and state in the "first Republic of our day."

page 26 note on 25 Sech., xx . 158-159.

page 27 note on 26 Herzen, "Amerika i Sibir," Kolokol, No. 29 (London, Dec. 1, 1858), p. 234

page 27 note on 27 17 Herzen however, is accurate in his noting of the non-American sources. Cf. V. L. Parrington, Main Currents in American Thought, 3 vols. (N. Y., 1927), i. iii-vii.

page 27 note on 28 M For example, cf. Memoirs,vi, 89: "America is Europe colonized, the same race … but living under different conditions."

page 27 note on 29 Ibid., n, 198

page 28 note on 30 Soch., vu, 339-361 (in English in original), quotations from pp. 339, 361.

page 28 note on 31 Ibid., in, 216-217.

page 28 note on 32 "Mortuos Plango " Kolokol, No. 118 (London, January 1, 1862), pp. 981-982

page 28 note on 33 Cf. Soch., xix, 357

page 28 note on 34 This refers obviously to the Alabama and other vessels fitted out in England for the Confederacy. Kolokol, No. 118, op. cit.

page 28 note on 35 bid., p. 191 (November IS, 1864), 1S6S. Also cf. Memoirs, v, 47, 70,175

page 29 note on 36 Kolokol, No. 182 (March 20, 1864). The Civil War was of course far more in the forefront in the United States than this issue at the moment.

page 29 note on 37 " Memoirs, vi, 91.

page 29 note on 38 Already the rising trend of American industrial power may be discerned in Herzen's praise of the "American engineer" — a sentiment which Lenin echoed. Memoirs, I, 333

page 29 note on 39 Memoirs, vi, 89.

page 29 note on 40 Delivered in Chicago, 1893. This address may be found in a selection of Turner's writings, The Significance of the Frontier (New York, 1920), 1-39.

page 30 note on 41 Memoirs, vi, 89-90.

page 30 note on 42 Ibid., vi, 83. Herzen also tended to feel that the nationality problem.i.e., the absorption "of the aliens and vagabonds from all over the world" who came to America was greatly aided by our hardy republican form of government. Switzerland also served as an example to him of how the nationality problem might be solved. Soch., xix, 109, note 2

page 30 note on 43 Ibid., vi, 89.

page 30 note on 44 Sock., ix, 182-222

page 31 note on 45 Ibid., 203. This expressed in an article whose title is France or England? lends a larger significance to the remarks on America.

page 31 note on 46 Kolokol, loc. cit. (December 1, 1858), 233-235

page 31 note on 47 Ibid. Here we see Herzen noting American magazines as one of his source materials on America. Cf. also Memoirs, i, 299-300, in which this idea is repeated. Here, however, Herzen noted "with great pleasure" that it was New York papers which have several times repeated this phrase: "The Pacific Ocean is the Mediterranean of the future." The sale of Russian America to the United States in 1867 of course made the two countries practically neighbors across the Behring Straits, and caused Herzen to take notice of this event by insisting that the close proximity henceforward of the North American Union with Russia now being stressed by "all Russian and non-Russian newspapers" was first pointed out in Kolokol eight years before — on December 1, 1858. Sock., xix, 62-63. Cf. also ibid., xix, 279. On the other hand, Herzen did not ascribe the transfer of Alaska to the United States to pure altruism and friendship on the part of Russia. "Russia did not give the Aleuts, the Choukchy and their other compatriots with such gentle names as a simple gratuity for the beaux yeux of America." Ibid., xix 26

page 31 note on 48 Memoirs, vi, 242