¹ Terralla y Landa, Estéban, Lima por dentro y fuera: obra jocosa y divertida (Paris: Imp. Rueff, 1924), p. 37.Google Scholar

² On other sermons dealing with the Lima earthquake see, Melchor, Liñán y Cisneros, , Cartas pastorales [Lima, 1703];Google Scholar de Ribera, Juan Xaimes, Hazer de si mismo espejo, (Lima: Imp. de Manuel de los Olivos, 1689).Google Scholar On earthquakes in late seventeenth-century Lima see, Angulo, Domingo, “El terremoto del año 1687,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, XII: 1 (1939), 3–45; XII:2 (1939), 131–164; “El terremoto del año de 1690,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, XIII: 1 (1940), 3–8.Google Scholar

³ Vargas Machuca, Francisco de, Oración panegyrica al glorioso apostal S. Bartholomé patrón del Hospital Real de Pobres negros horros enfermos, viejos, e impedidos fundado en ésta nobilissima Ciudad de los Reyes (Lima: Imprenta de Joseph de Contreras y Alvarado, 1694);Google Scholar on panegyrics see Smith, Hillary Dansey, Preaching in the Golden Age: A Study of Some Preachers in the Reign of Philip III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 50, 56.Google Scholar

⁴ Vargas Machuca, Oración panegyrica, [n.p.].

⁵ Vargas Machuca, Oración panegyrica, [n.p.].

⁶ On charity and the investment of “religious capital” in seventeenth-century Lima see Bronner, Fred, “Church, Crown, and Commerce in Seventeenth-Century Lima: A Synoptic Interpretation,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft, und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas, 29 (1992), 75–89.Google Scholar

⁷ Foucault, Michel, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, Gordon, Colin, ed., (New York: Pantheon Press, 1980), p. 55.Google Scholar

⁸ Sibley, David, Geographies of Exclusion: Society and Difference in the West (London and New York: Routledge, 1995),CrossRefGoogle Scholar contends that “geographies of exclusion” are physical and social spaces that exclude individuals, primarily on the basis of racial and/or class differences.

⁹ Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death; a Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 5 Google Scholarff, explored various facets of “alienation.” He argued that enslaved individuals could experience two kinds of natal alienation: descending, when Africans were physically removed (kidnapped, captured etc.) from their communities and families; and ascending, when American-born slaves (criollos) were alienated because of the corporate, segregationist we-they nature of society. Patterson goes further to state that alienation also involved direct physical coercion and powerlessness in relation to another individual; and finally, alienation could occur by stripping the person of her status and human dignity.

¹⁰ For a review of the revisionist works on North America see Kolchin, Peter, “Reevaluating the Antebellum Slave Community: A Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review, 70:3 (December 1983): 579–601.Google Scholar Works for Latin America include, Chandler, David L., “Family Bonds and the Bondsman: The Slave Family in Colonial Colombia,” Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 107–31;Google Scholar and Hünefeldt, Christine, Mujeres, esclavitud, emociones y libertad; Lima 1800–1854, (Documentos de trabajo, no. 24), (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1988);Google Scholar and her, Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor among Lima’s Slaves, 1800–1854 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). On forms of slave resistance in the nineteenth century see, Agüirre, Carlos, “Cimarronaje, bandolerismo y desintegración esclavista. Lima, 1821–1854,” Bandoleros, abigeos, y montoneros; criminaldad y violencia en el Perú, siglos xviii-xx, Walker, Charles and Agüirre, Carlos, eds. (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1990), pp. 139–41.Google Scholar On status and opportunities for advancement see Bowser, Frederick, “The Free Person of Color in Mexico City and Lima: Manumission and Opportunity, 1580–1650,” Engerman, Stanley L. and Genovese, Eugene D., eds., Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 331–68;Google Scholar Bowser, Frederick P., “Colonial Spanish America,” Cohen, David W. and Greene, Jack P., eds., Neither Slave nor Free: The Freedman of African Descent in the Slave Societies of the New World (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), pp. 42–57;Google Scholar on status differentiation among slaves see Palmer, Colin A., Slaves of the White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570–1650 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ On the “urban underclass” and “laboring poor” in Latin America see, Haslip-Viera, Gabriel, “The Underclass,“ Hoberman, Louisa Schell and Migden Socolow, Susan, eds., Cities and Society in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986), pp. 285–312.Google Scholar According to Haslip-Viera, the laboring poor would include escaped slaves but excludes the elderly or infirm. See also, Cope, R. Douglas, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1994).Google Scholar

¹² Cope, , The Limits, pp. 74–75.Google Scholar

¹³ This study is based upon an analysis of the records “Libro de Asientos de Hospitales, Hospital de San Bartolomé, (1682–1688),” Lima, Archivo de la Beneficencia Pública del Perú, (henceforth ABP), no. 9608; and "Libro de Asientos de Hospitales, Hospital de San Bartolomé, (1694-1700)," no. 9308. Book no. 9306 lists 1450 free castas and book no. 9308 records 864 slaves. The database series consists of all extant admission records for the hospital for the period from 1682 to 1700. Unfortunately, records for both free and enslaved entrants during the same period are unavailable (see Table 2 for more complete data). The lack of data for enslaved patients prior to 1694 does not mean that slaves were not previously admitted, nor does the dearth of material from 1688 onward signify a policy change in the admittance of free persons of color to San Bartolomé.

Several hospitals for Indians in Spanish America were endowed and placed directly under Crown patronage by the mid-sixteenth-century, see Howard, David A., The Royal Indian Hospital of Mexico City (Tempe: Arizona State University, 1980), pp. 4–5;Google Scholar and Angulo, Domingo “Las ordenanzas del Hospital de Santa Ana,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, 11:2 (1938), 131–56.Google Scholar However, urban hospitals for free or enslaved blacks founded during the colonial period were rare. In New Spain, only a hospice for slaves (f. 1560) is mentioned for Vera Cruz, but nothing specifically for slaves in Mexico City, see Muriel, Josefina, Hospitales de la Nueva España: Fundaciones del siglo XVI (México, 1956), I: pp. 118–19.Google Scholar As with Lima, Havana segregated individuals on the basis of disease (such as leprosy), gender, race and age, but a hospital specifically founded for blacks was not built until the eighteenth century, Sheridan, Richard B., Doctors and Slaves; A Medical and Demographic History of Slavery in the British West Indies, 1680–1834 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 287.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Kolchin, , “Reevaluating,” pp. 581–82;Google Scholar Schwartz, Stuart, Slaves, Peasants and Rebels: Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1992), p. 39.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For a discussion of the importance of occupation, social bonding, marriage and race among Afro-Veracruzanos see Carroll, Patrick J., Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity and Regional Development (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991),Google Scholar chps. 5 and 7. For an excellent study of slavery in Brazil see Karasch, Mary C., Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tardieu, G. Jean-Pierre, Los negros y la Iglesia en el Perú: siglos XVI-XVII (Quito: Centro Cultural Afroecuatoriano, 1997), I: pp. 509–63;Google Scholar Luis Gómez Acuña, "Las cofradías de negros en Lima (siglo XVII): de la cuestión, estado y de caso, análisis,” Páginas, 129 (Octubre, 1994), 28–39.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Separate confraternities existed for freedmen, castas such as morenos and mulattos, and, until the end of the eighteenth century, for members of African “nations.” For an example see, Franciscano, Archivo del Perú (henceforth AFP), Reg. 42, doc. 3, “Copia simple de la fundación de la cofradía de San Benito de Palermo,” for Biojos, Lima, n.d.; Emilio Harth-Terré, Presencia del negro en el virreinato del Perú (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1971), pp. 13 Google Scholar and 37; Bowser, , The African Slave, p. 249.Google Scholar European slave traders created the term “nation” to differentiate slaves by port of shipment from Africa (Mina from El Mina the Portuguese port), ethnicity (Folupa), or general geographic area (Angola, Congo). See Curtin, Phillip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. 184–190;Google Scholar and Nishida, Mieko, “Manumission and Ethnicity in Urban Slavery: Salvador, Brazil, 18081888,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 73:3 (1993), 370–371.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The official count in the Numeración general de todas las personas de ambos sexos, edades y calidades q. se ha echo en esta Ciudad de Lima año de 1700, Cook, Noble David, ed. (Lima: Corporación Financiera de Desarrollo, 1985),Google Scholar totaled 29,360 inhabitants. Percentages included: Spaniards (53 %); Indians (12 %); Blacks and other persons of color (35 %). Free individuals represented 75% and enslaved 25% of that total. Evidence for the under representation of the enslaved population is inconclusive but can be surmised on the basis of several sources. First, Bernabé Cobo stated in 1629 that of the 30,000 slaves who resided in Lima, over half spent time on surrounding agricultural estates, see Cobo, Bernabé, “Historia de la fundación de Lima,” Monografías históricas sobre la ciudad de Lima (Lima: Imprenta Gil, 1935), I: p. 47.Google Scholar Claude Mazet’s research on the parish of San Sebastián indicates that out of 7,000 individuals, 47.5 percent were “black,” see Mazet, Claude, “Population et société aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles: la paroisse San Sebastián, 1562–1689,” Cahiers des Amériques Latines, 13–14 (1979), p. 79.Google Scholar Blacks outnumbered Spaniards or Spaniards/mestizos by between 3 and 8 per cent in both the 1614 and 1619 censuses, see Cook, Noble David, Demographic Collapse; Indian Peru, 1520-1620 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 151;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and in an earlier census, Archivo General de Indias, (henceforth AGI), Lima 301, “Testimonios dados por Jayme Blanco, Notario de la Audiencia Arzobispal y juzgado ecclesiàstico, desde 1 de enero 1608 hasta 31 de diciembre 1610”; Bowser, The African Slave, p. 340.

¹⁹ Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 340–41,Google Scholar indicates 4,529 black men and 5,857 black women in the 1614 census; 6,135 men and 5,862 women in a 1619 ecclesiastical enumeration; and 6,544 men and 7,076 women in the 1636 ecclesiastical enumeration. The 1700 census gives a total of 3,519 men and 3,663 women, , Numeración, pp. 357–58.Google Scholar

²⁰ Bowser, , “Colonial Spanish America,” pp. 26–29.Google Scholar

²¹ In the seventeenth century, officials commented that Africans arriving from Guinea, or from the Xolofe or Mandinga nations usually had not been baptized, while those from the Congo and Angola had “alguna manera de enseñanza.” See Instrucción para remediar, y assegurar, quanto con la divina gracia fuere posible, que ninguno de los Negros… carezca del sagrado Baptismo, ordered by Señor D. Pedro de Castro y Quiñones, Arzbpo. de Sevilla, del Consejo del Rey. (Lima: Geronymo de Contreras, 1628).

²² Archivo Arzobispal de Lima (henceforth AAL), Libros Parroquiales, Lima, Libro I, “Matrimonios, negros-mulattos, Parroquia de San Marcelo, 1640–1693.”

²³ 80 percent of all couples married endogamously (I have included color and free/slave status as criteria). It is quite probable that because illegitimate rates for baptized children were relatively high, miscegenation occurred more frequently among non-married couples, which supports Mannarelli’s data for seventeenth-century Lima, see Emma Mannarelli, María, Pecados públicos: La ilegitimidad en Lima, siglo XVII (Lima: Ediciones Flora Tristan, 1993).Google Scholar This also corroborates the evidence for the parish of San Sebastián, see Mazet, , “Population,” p. 62.Google Scholar Of the 20 percent of interracial marriages, enslaved men were more likely to marry free women than the reverse: a sign of their awareness of social mobility, because their children would be born free, AAL, Libros Parroquiales, Libro I; Libros Parroquiales, “Matrimonios, negros-indios,” Parish of San Marcelo, Lima, 1693–1746, Libro 2.

²⁴ 556 men and women were recorded as slaves out of a total black population of 624. Women (280 enslaved, 18 free, 19 no data); Men (276 enslaved, 10 free, 21 no data). 291 total black marriages were recorded but the individuals' status was not always stated. The endogamy rate among 253 married slaves of the same racial category was also quite high. The same held true among “indios.” Of 182 men and women, 162 married endogamously, AAL, Libros Parroquiales, Libro 1, Libro 2. West African people predominated in the parish of San Sebastián, Mazet, , “Population,” p. 77.Google Scholar Seventy-five percent of Afro-Mexicans originated from Central Africa in the seventeenth century, Palmer, Slaves, p. 23. In Mexico City, R. Douglas Cope found a much lower percentage of endogamy and use of African surnames, The Limits, pp. 64-65 and 80-82; and Carroll argues that Africans "underwent near racial absorption and ethnic assimilation between 1620 and 1750 in central Veracruz," Blacks, pp. 120-24. In contrast, endogamy according to African origin was quite common in Havana, see de la Fuente García, Alejandro, “Los matrimonios de esclavos el La Habana, 1585–1645,” Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv, 16:4 (1990), pp. 520–23.Google Scholar

²⁵ Such residential conglomerations were frowned upon by municipal authorities; ordinances prohibiting slaves and freedmen from living in corrales and rancherías were passed as early as 1562, during Viceroy Luis de Velasco’s tenure (1596–1604) and throughout the course of the seventeenth century. See “Provisión para q. no aya Corrales de negros en esta Ciudad,” por Luis de Velasco, s.f., Archivo Histórico de la Municipalidad de Lima, (Hereafter AHML), Libros, III, 2a parte, (27 enero 1562), 348r; 327v-328v; Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 227,Google Scholar 308–09; Ballesteros, Jorge Bernales, Lima: La ciudad y sus monumentos (Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicos, 1972), p. 122.Google Scholar

²⁶ ABP, no. 9308. Because hospital admission records did not usually indicate the domicile of slaves (only the names of their owners), comparisons cannot be drawn with the residence patterns of free persons of color. On San Lázaro see, Angulo, Domingo, “El barrio de San Lázaro de la ciudad de Lima,” Monografías históricas sobre la ciudad de Lima, (Lima: Imp. Gil, 1935), II: pp. 148–50;Google Scholar on El Cercado see Lowry, Lynn, “Forging an Indian Nation: Urban Indians under Spanish Colonial Control, Lima, Peru, 1535–1765,” Ph.D. diss. (University of California at Berkeley, 1991), p. 80.Google Scholar

²⁷ For an example see, AHML, Libros III, 2a parte (1534–1633), 604v.

²⁸ Cobo, , “Historia,” pp. 51 and 53–55;Google Scholar Bromley, Juan and Barbagelata, José, Evolución urbana de la ciudad de Lima (Lima: Consejo Provincial de Lima, 1935).Google Scholar

²⁹ Hospital entrance accounts recorded the residence of free Afroperuvians and indicated that the greatest number lived in the parish of Santa Ana, ABP, nos. 9306, 9308. The area designated as “Quadras que numerò el Capitan del N. Don Gabriel de Acuña Egues,” in the Numeración, pp. 69–105, contained the greatest demographic concentration (4067 individuals), and encompassed the area where the Hospital de Santa Ana, Hospital de San Bartolomé and the Monasterio de Santa Clara were located (including its mill and orchard). The numbers were as follows: free mulattos (n = 343 <8.4%>); free blacks (n = 127 <3.1%>); mulatto slaves (n = 105 <2.6%>); black slaves (n = 708 <17.4%>), however, this total excludes the institutional population.

³⁰ Ballesteros, Bernales, Lima: La ciudad, p. 130;Google Scholar Ugarte Elespuru, Juan Manuel, Lima y lo limeño (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1966), p. 190.Google Scholar

³¹ Emilio Harth-Terré affirms that artisans of all different racial backgrounds collaborated on various public works. See Harth-Terré, Emilio and Abanto, Alberto Marquez, “El artesano negro en el arquitectura virreinal limeña,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, 25 (1961), 3–73;Google Scholar Harth-Terré, Emilio, “Perspectiva social y económica del artesano virreinal en Lima,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, 26:2 (1962), 353–446;Google Scholar Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 125–46;Google Scholar Flores Galindo, Alberto, Aristocracia y plebe; Lima 1760-1830 (Lima: Mozca Azul Editores, 1984), p. 16;Google Scholar Fraser, Valerie, The Architecture of Conquest; Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 82–89.Google Scholar

³² Harth-Terré, , La presencia, pp. 38–40.Google Scholar When several slaves asked for higher wages for constructing the wall, they were threatened with exile to San Lorenzo island off Callao to carry rocks for one year without pay, Josephe, and Mugaburu, Francisco, Chronicle of Colonial Lima: The Diary of Josephe and Francisco Mugaburu, 1640–1697, Miller, Robert Ryal ed. and trans. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), p. 283.Google Scholar

³³ Numeración, pp. 355–58. In 1607, the Hospital of Santa Ana possessed twenty-seven African slaves who worked as nurses, bookkeepers, cooks and laundresses. Other performed a variety of other tasks, with the exception of surgery, Bowser, , The African Slave, p. 105.Google Scholar Inhabitants of monasteries, convents, beaterios and hospitals (including the infirm and servants) comprised 20% of the total urban population in 1700, van Deusen, Nancy E., “Recogimiento for Women and Girls in Colonial Lima: An Institutional and Cultural Practice,” Ph.D. (University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1995), p. 354.Google Scholar For a general description of the convents and hospitals of Lima see, Ballesteros, Bernales, Lima: La ciudad, p. 176.Google Scholar

³⁴ Numeración, pp. 357–58; van Deusen, Nancy E., Dentro del cerco de los muros: el recogimiento en el Perú (Lima: Centro de Documentación sobre la Mujer, 1987), pp. 29–31,Google Scholar indicates that in the three largest convents, which comprised 67.9% of Lima’s total female religious population, the ratio of religious/lay women to servants (including donada) was: La Concepción: 433:608; La Encarnación: 370:453. Santa Clara’s ratio was almost 1:1 (306:326). The total number of female or male religious slaveowners in Lima is difficult to assess. Claude Mazet estimated that 27 percent of the slaveowners in the parish of San Sebastián were clergy members or religious functionaries, “Population,” p. 83.

³⁵ Aside from providing clothing, shelter and food, priests often performed the sacraments for hospital slaves and servants and, in the case of the Hospital of Santa Ana, permitted their burial in the parish church, Cobo, “Historia,” p. 200.

³⁶ In his will, Spanish carpenter Juan López manumitted his female slaves, but donated one elderly male slave who worked as a sawyer to the Monastery of La Merced, Harth-Terré, “El artesano negro,” p. 365.

³⁷ Religious institutions were infamous for not relinquishing slaves when their term of service had expired, Palmer, Slaves, pp. 113–14.

³⁸ Many slaves were granted freedom in their owner’s will, on the condition that they serve in a designated religious institution or hospital. Once inside the institution, many suffered physical abuse. The Procurador de Pobres, (public defender) told one women’s story: “she was turned over to the nuns to be raised; they were to provide her with a home in exchange for her company, but they treated her like a slave [placing her] in all the servile ministries and have even tried to sell her,” Lima, AAL, Causas de Negros (henceforth CN), Leg. 13, “Juan Bautista de Escobar, Procurador de Pobres en nombre de Juana de Salinas,” 24 January 1661.

³⁹ AAL, CN, Leg. 14, “Autos de María negra criolla y Josepha mulatta, hermanas esclavas,” 26 March 1666; AAL, CN, Leg. 17, “Autos de María Magdalena, mulata esclava,” 10 July 1673; AAL, CN, Leg. 22, “Donación de un hombre libre,” 6 October 1687; AAL, CN, Leg. 23, ”Autos de Los mayordomos de Nuestra Señora del Socorro,” 6 May 1692.

⁴⁰ Ecclesiastical litigation records abound with disputes between religious and secular persons over slave ownership and harboring fugitives in convents. For one example see, AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Autos de Juan de Asensio, pardo libre, esposo legítimo de Mariana de Llanas,” 7 October 1686.

⁴¹ AAL, CN, Leg. 18, “Francisco de Aramburu, mayordomo del Hospital de San Lázaro,” 17 July 1677.

⁴² AAL, CN, Leg. 18, Francisco de Aramburu, mayordomo del Hospital de San Lázaro, 17 July 1677.

⁴³ Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 5ff.

⁴⁴ Bowser, , “Colonial Spanish America,” pp. 19–26 Google Scholar and 31-33; Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 272–301.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Palmer, , Slaves, pp. 117–18 and 173.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ AAL, CN, Leg. 14, Without title, 5 May 1668; AAL, CN, Leg. 14, “Juan Bautista de Escobar, Procurador de Pobres,” 14 November 1667; AAL, CN, Leg. 20, “María de la O, esclava del Convento de la Limpía Concepción,” 10 April 1680; AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Capitán Joseph García de Espinosa,” Lima, 17 August 1686. On price differences because of age, health, personality or technical competence, see Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 137ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Doña Mariana Blásques, Abadessa de la Puríssima Concepción,” 12 February 1686.

⁴⁸ See the case of de Abendaño, Juana, in van Deusen, Nancy E., “Determining the Boundaries of Virtue: The Discourse of Recogimiento among Women in Seventeenth-Century Lima,” Journal of Family History, 22:4 (October 1997), p. 326.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ For the antebellum southern United States see, Patterson, , Slavery and Social Death, p. 269;Google Scholar Genovese, Eugene D, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (Pantheon Books, 1974), pp. 519–23;Google Scholar Leslie Howard Owens, This Species of Property: Life, Slave and Culture in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 47–49;Google Scholar and Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press), pp. 201–07. It is impossible to tell from the age cohorts “14–45” and “46 and over” in Lyman Johnson’s study for Lima (1580–1650), Buenos Aires (1776–1800) and Mexico City (1580–1650) what percentage of manumitted slaves were elderly, see Johnson, Lyman, “Manumission in Colonial Buenos Aires,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 59:2 (1979), 262.Google Scholar Statistics for Colombia and Brazil show more children being manumitted than the elderly, see Chandler, , Health and Slavery, pp. 249–56;Google Scholar Schwartz, Stuart, “The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Bahia, 1684–1745,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 54:4 (1974), 618–19.Google Scholar African-born outnumbered Brazilian-born elderly slaves, because the latter, according to Mieko Nishida, had more commercial value, “Urban Slavery,” pp. 374–75. In Mexico City, between 1580 and 1650, manumissions of slaves between 26 to over 45 were lower than rates for children, Palmer, Slaves, p. 177. For manumission in Peru by age and terms of liberation for the period from 1560 to 1650 see Bowser, , “Colonial Spanish America,” p. 31.Google Scholar His evidence does not indicate a greater percentage of manumitted slaves for the ages of 26 to over 45.

⁵⁰ For instances of slaves abandoned in the Depositorio General del Corte see, AAL, CN, Leg. 13, “Otorgar depositar y recivir seis negros viejos y moços esclavos,” 5 March 1663; AAL, CN, Leg. 13, no title, Lima, 27 April 1663; AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Thomasa, y se llebo a Casa de el Depositorio General,” 1 July 1686.

⁵¹ For examples of sales because the slaves were elderly see, AAL, CN, Leg. 20, “Autos de María de la O, esclava de la Limpía Concepción,” 10 April 1680; AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Autos de Capitán Joseph García de Espinosa,” 17 August 1686.

⁵² AAL, CN, Leg. 14, “Juan Bautista de Escobar,” 14 November 1667.

⁵³ Archbishop Melchor de Liñan y Cisneros, in his Carta pastoral of 15/X/1695, (Lima, [s.p.], 1703), emphasized that owners should comply with their obligation as good Christians to care for slaves: “padres de familia están gravemente obligados en conciencia a mirar por la salud, ubien espiritual de sus criados. Y en esta atención exhortamos a todos los amos de esclavos, y criados q. se valen de su servicio, asi en los ministerios domésticos, como en los de las panaderias, obrajes, haziendas y chácaras de campo cumplan fielmente con esta tan precisa obligación.” However, protective legislation to this effect was not passed until the eighteenth century, see, Saignes, Miguel Acosta, Vida de los esclavos en Venezuela (Caracas: Hesperides, 1967), p. 363,Google Scholar who cites the royal decree of May 31, 1789. See also, Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 75–86 and 519–21. Bowser has said, “one cannot help concluding that even the most selfish or indifferent masters would have had second thoughts about allowing expensive blacks to die of an unattended illness,” The African Slave, p. 228.

⁵⁴ Hospitals in early modern France and Spain emphasized piety and work and often served as centers of confinement, where the infirm would be asked to do whatever tasks they could. In the case of French hospitals many elderly were discriminated against for their inability to perform any labor whatsoever. In Lyon, some elderly textile workers went involuntarily to hospitals so that they would not circulate freely elsewhere and “spread their expertise.” See Troyansky, David G., Old Age in the Old Regime; Image and Experience in Eighteenth-Century France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989), pp. 163–65.Google Scholar On Early Modern Spain see, Vives, Juan Luis, “Del socorro de los pobres, o de las necesidades humanas,” Biblioteca de autores españoles, (Madrid, 1953), 65;Google Scholar Díaz, José Ortiz, “Evolución del concepto del hospital,” Homenaje al Professor Giménez Fernández, (Seville: Facultad de Derecho, 1967), I: 229–54;Google Scholar Martz, Linda, Poverty and Welfare in Habsburg Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-versity Press, 1983);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Flynn, Maureen, Sacred Charity: Confraternities and Social Welfare in Spain, 1400-1700 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For colonial Latin America, see de Escariche, Julia Herraéz S., Beneficencia de España en Indias (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1949).Google Scholar On poor relief in colonial Latin America see, Haslip-Veira, , “The Underclass,” pp. 302–07.Google Scholar Cahill, David P., “Financing Health Care in the Viceroyalty of Peru: The Hospitals of Lima in the Late Colonial Period,” The Americas, 52:2 (October 1995), 133–50,Google Scholar provides an historical overview of six of Lima’s colonial hospitals.

⁵⁵ As early as 1588, the “Procurador de los Pobres” requested annual funds from the Crown for the poor, AGI, Lima 32, “El Procurador de los Pobres a S.M. merced para los pobres vergonzantes,” 24 April 1588. By 1604 the Confraternity for the Poor, established to support the dispossessed and prisoners in the city jail, had begun receiving income from treasury funds. Financial support remained constant throughout the course of the seventeenth century, AGI, Indiferente General 481, Libro I, Cámara del Perú, “Vuestra Magestad hace merced de 4 mil pesos por una vez a la cofradía de los pobres…” 17 December 1604, 365v-366r; AGI, Lima 73, Conde de Castellar to King, Lima, 8 May 1675. Ill slaves could also turn to the Confraternity of the Prisons for support, Bowser, The African Slave, p. 228.

⁵⁶ The Archbishop of Lima sent an estimate of the African population to the Crown on May 8, 1593 based upon parish records. The total number of Africans and mulattos equaled 6,690 out of a total of 12,790, Bowser, The African Slave, p. 339. A primitive hospice opened in 1646.

⁵⁷ See Harth-Terré’s map of the proximity of the hospitals in, idem., Hospitales mayores, p. 8.

⁵⁸ On disease and fear of epidemics (especially cholera and yellow fever) in the southern United States during the antebellum period see Owens, This Species of Property, chap. 2.

⁵⁹ Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 228–29,Google Scholar “Relación de la Ciudad de Lima,” says that “in the Hospital of San Andrés, 2,000 people are cured each year, most of them Spaniards and some blacks and free mulattos of all illnesses.” By the 1640s, due to crowded conditions, the Crown ordered that the hospital for poor Spaniards, San Andrés could no longer treat slaves because, their owners had abused their privileges. Only free morenos and criollo mulattos were listed in the hospital entries for San Diego from 1640 to 1646, see ABP, no. 8453, “Libro de entradas y salidas de los enfermos del Hospital de San Diego, 1640-1646.“ Slaves with leprosy were admitted to the Hospital de San Lázaro, ABP, no. 8413, “Libro del Hermandad de la Yglesia y Hospital Real del Sr. San Lázaro, 1606”; and Angulo, “El barrio de San Lázaro,” p. 110.

⁶⁰ In late seventeenth-century Lima, Santa Brigida was called upon to protect limeños against epidemics, see Liñan y Cisneros Cartas pastorales. Leprosy was also common among blacks, see, Angulo, , “El barrio,”Google Scholar who says, “por ese entonces, los portadores del terrible mal de Lázaro eran los negros que arribaban a los mercados de esta ciudad de los Reyes, y eran también esos desgraciados sus más ordinarias víctimas,” p. 110. A similar assessment can be found in Joseph Bravo de Lagunas y Castilla, Discurso histórico-jurídico del orígen, fundación, reedificación, derechos y exenciones del Hospital de San Lázaro de Lima (Lima: Oficina de los Huérfanos, 1761), p. 78; and y Domingo, Francisco Barrera, Reflexiones: histórico físico naturales, medico quirúrgicas (original edition 1798), (Havana: Ediciones C.R. [c. 1953]).Google Scholar

⁶¹ AGI, Lima 94, doc. 6, Audiencia of Lima to Philip III, Lima, 20 May 1606, gives a total of 6,631 slaves in Lima based upon Viceroy Luís de Velasco's padrón of 1600. Bowser estimated that the city’s population of persons of color reached 20,000 by 1636, Bowser, The African Slave, p. 341.

⁶² On fear of Africans carrying contagious diseases (in 1624) see, AHML, Libros, III, 2a parte, 378v-379r; for an ordinance prohibiting bozales entering the city without permission from the City Council, AHML, Libros, VIII, 24r. See also Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 66–67;Google Scholar and Suardo, Juan Antonio, Diario de Lima de Juan Antonio Suardo (1629–1634), Ugarte, Rubén Vargas ed. (Lima: Imp. Vazquez, 1935), p. 145.Google Scholar For a discussion of the transmission of smallpox from West Africa to Brazil see Alden, Dauril and Miller, Joseph, “Out of Africa: The Slave Trade and the Transmission of Smallpox to Brazil, 1560–1831,” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 18:2 (Autumn 1987),Google Scholar 195–224. For a discussion of Colombia see Chandler, David L., “Health Conditions in the Slave Trade of Colonial New Granada,” Robert Brent, Toplin, ed., Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1974), pp. 51–88.Google Scholar

⁶³ Jesuit priest Pedro Claver's (1580-1654) biography provides a moving portrayal and is an excellent source of information on the conditions of slaves arriving at Cartagena. See Fernández, José, Apóstolica y penitente vida del venerable Padre Pedro Claver (Zaragoza, [s.p.], 1666).Google Scholar For a contemporary study on conditions in seventeenth-century Cartagena see Chandler, , Health and Slavery, pp. 75ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ AHML, Libros, III, la parte, 167r-168v, 19v, “quatro casas de vivienda y una tienda de pulpería de esquina en San Lázaro que va al Quemadero en frente del Rio los quales labró en parte Don García Hurtado de Mendoza quien hizo merced y fabricó en virtud de provisiones de los Señores Marqués de Guadalcazar y Conde de Chinchón para que en ellos se hozpeden y estén todas las partidas de Negros bozales que entraren en esta Ciudad que no pueden estar en estas casas sino fuere en esta las quales tienen en sus Portadas las armas de la Ciudad con el título para que fueron edificados, y cada una pieza de esclavo que entrare a hospedarse en ella ha de pagar a esta Ciudad para sus Propios y rentas un peso ensayado.”

⁶⁵ AHML, Libros, III, la parte, (1624) 168r; AGI, Lima 44, Viceroy Conde de Chinchón to Crown, Lima, 24 April 1633, 180r–180v.

⁶⁶ Instrucción para remediar, s.f.

⁶⁷ On bells for curfew see, AHML, Libros, III, 2da. parte, 608v; Juan Carlos Estenssoro, “Música, discurso y poder en el regimen colonial,” (Tesis de Magister en Historia de la Pontificia Universidad de la Católica, Lima, 1990), 1: pp. 254–55; José Gal vez, Una Lima que se va, 3rd ed. (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1965), pp. 23–32. If a slave were detained by the rondas, or patrols in the street they risked being sent to a panadería or bakery as punishment, AHML, Libros, III, 2da. parte, 346v; Libros, VIII, 23r.

⁶⁸ Mugaburu, Chronicle, pp. 32 and 217; Suardo, Diario, pp. 49, 50, 58, 65, 81, 162, 163, 167, 204 and 235.

⁶⁹ Jesuit Alonso de Sandoval (1576-1652), was a principal pioneer in his efforts to Christianize and provide more humane treatment toward slaves in Spanish America. The original version of his work was published in Latin in Seville and only translated into Spanish in 1956, see El mundo de la esclavitud negra en América (Bogotá, 1956).

⁷⁰ Bowser argues that the 1636 census may have been conducted with this intention, The African Slave, p. 341.

⁷¹ Jesuits in Colombia would include the aforementioned Sandoval as well as Pedro Claver. In Lima, Francisco del Castillo and several other Jesuits were designated as “obrerof[s] de negros y españoles.” See Velez, Armando Nieto, Francisco del Castillo: El Apóstol de Lima (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1992), pp. 144ff.Google Scholar

⁷² Vázquez, Juan Teodoro, Crónica continuada de la Provincia de San Agustín del Perú, López, Teófilo Aparicio, ed. (Zamora: Ediciones Monte Casino, 1991), p. 65.Google Scholar

⁷³ “a que los que ya no podian vivir a la utilidad, muriessen a la inclemencia,” Oración panegyrico, p. 22.

⁷⁴ Oración panegyrico, p. 8; AGI, Lima 413, Viceroy to King, 29 September 1730; AGI, Lima 1561, Consultas in the Council of Indies, 19 November 1731.

⁷⁵ Vázquez, Crónica, p. 67.

⁷⁶ Archbishop Villagómez authorized the foundation of a primitive alberque or hospice in Barranca which lasted until 1659, “Copía de las ordenanzas antiguas del Hospital de San Bartolomé,” [s.f.], Emilio Valdizan, La facultad de medicina de Lima, 1811–1911, 2nd ed. (Lima, [s.p.], 1929), III: p. 157; Ilder Ocampo, Mendieta, Hospitales de Lima colonial, siglos XVII-XIX (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1990), p. 4.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Psalms 112; Vázquez, Crónica, p. 67.

⁷⁸ Apparently, close to death, Vadillo thanked Juan Cabrera, canon of the Cathedral church, for his financial support. He said, “Mi señor: Dios quiso que fuera mi humilde persona la encargada de la fábrica del Hospital de los morenos pobres. Ahora le alabo y bendigo y doy gracias con toda mi alma, porque para la conservación de este gran templo de la Caridad se ha servido sustituir un tal vil instrumento, como soy yo, por un héroe tan magnífico, como es Vd. Esta es su voluntad, mi señor D. Juan, y en manos de Vd. queda desde hoy, la protección de estos pobres,” Vázquez, Crónica, p. 67.

⁷⁹ Income for the hospital also derived from limosnas (alms or donations which comprised 30 per cent of total income), censos (loans), and rent from properties owned by the hospital which had been either donated or purchased, see Ocampo, Mendieta, Hospitales de Lima, 5. Tijera de Huerta testified on Castillo’s behalf during his beatification process, AAL, Procesos de Beatificación, Francisco del Castillo, Lima, 1677, 608r.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ In 1731 the Viceroy requested 4,000 pesos for annual support, 1/3 of the part from the vacancies of Archbishoprics and bishoprics, and that the hospital be placed under royal patronage. In a letter to the King requesting additional funds, the viceroy reiterated “the pathetic circumstances surrounding the hospital’s foundation”, and then added; “because of the little rent they have and the lack of donations to keep the hospital opened … they can barely keep themselves healthy in order to work, by nature being bar-barous and unclean … it would be hard to surmount this if it weren’t for the hospital where they are subjected to the known medicinal curative methods and where they can die with christian help. The monies will be for the aide, sustenance and remedy of these poor people, who in their old age, sickliness, inutility, and abandonment can no longer work for a living, and as they are in a foreign land they are unable to find support in their deserted condition,” AGI, Lima 1561, Viceroy to King, Lima, 19 December 1731; AGI, Lima 797, “Ordenanzas para el Hospital de San Bartolomé,” (1820). The hospital also received funds from the Ramo de Suertes.

⁸¹ For a list of some of the donors see Ocampo, Mendieta, Los hospitales de Lima, p. 6.Google Scholar

⁸² Mendieta Ocampo, Los hospitales de Lima, p. 7.

⁸³ The confraternity of San Benito de Palermo was founded on January 8 1692 by the militia of blacks to support the burial fees of the dead in San Bartolomé, Tardieu, Los negros, I: pp. 703–04. In the eighteenth century, documents mention, the Confraternity of San Felipe, AAL, Cofradías, Leg. 42, Exp. 16, “Causa referida a la fundación y presentación de las constituciones de la cofradía de San Felipe (hospital de San Bartolomé) del gremio de carretoneros,” 1745.

⁸⁴ Construction workers were divided hierarchically into the master craftsmen (a master bricklayer earned 12-14 reales dailyr), jornaleros or day-laborers with specialist skills and a basic knowledge of classical architectural moulding (brick cutter 10 reales; painter 8 pesos), “negros” and “peones” (5 reales) and heavy laborers (stone carriers 1/2 real daily or on a piece-rate basis; stone carrier was paid 66 pesos 2 reales for 1,060 trips to the river), ABP, 9304, Hospital de San Bartolomé, “Fundación del Hospital y sus Gastos,” 121v-123r. For a general assessment of builders in Peru see, Fraser, The Architecture of Conquest, pp. 93-106; Bowser, , The African Slave, pp. 127–31Google Scholar and 138.

⁸⁵ In two and one half years, 180 stone carriers, 424 river stone carriers, and 96 other workers carried 1/2 sized bricks for construction. Some of the adobes or sun-baked bricks were made by Guarochirí Indians. 13,500 adobes formed the vaulting of the women’s ward (never completed), and 8,900 adobes were used for the garden wall, ABP, 9304, 28r.

⁸⁶ ABP, 9304, 28r.

⁸⁷ ABP, 9304, 28r.

⁸⁸ The dedication ceremony of the completion of the chapel (without its dome) took place on August 24 1684, Mugaburu, , Chronicle, p. 283.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Mugaburu, , Chronicle, p. 65.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ “Autos y diligencias, Primera Información sumaria de su vida,” Lima, 1677, AAL, Procesos de Beatificación y Canonización, Francisco del Castillo, 608r–608v. Mendiburu, Manuel de, Diccionario histórico-biográfico de la historia del Perú (Lima: Imp. J. Francisco Solis, 1874–1890), 6: p. 280; 8: pp. 207–08;Google Scholar Vargas Ugarte, Rubén, Un místico del siglo XVII; autobiografía del venerable Francisco del Castillo de la Compañía de Jesús (Lima, 1960), pp. 14–15;Google Scholar Ugarte, Rubén Vargas, Vida del venerable Padre Francisco del Castillo (Lima: Imp. Enrique R. Lulli, 1946), pp. 42 and 101;Google Scholar García, Pedro y Sánz, , Vida del venerable y apostólico Padre Francisco del Castillo de la Compañía de Jesús (Rome: Tipografia de Juan Cesaretti, 1863), pp. 59–62;Google Scholar Angulo, , “El barrio de San Lázaro,” pp. 148–50.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Until the nineteenth century, officials complained that even though the ordinances stated that no slaves should be admitted, they were ignored. AAL, Hospitales, Leg. 1, 1808, “que a pesar de la expresada ordenanza, se admita <que> hay esclavos con prejuicio notable al Hospital.” See also, AGI, Lima 797, “Ordenanzas.”

⁹² ABP, Libro 9308 “Registro de Enfermos 1694.” Though it cannot be verified that slaves were treated in the hospital from 1661 to 1694, because no series of documents exist, evidence suggests that this previously had been the case.

⁹³ Valdizán, La facultad, III: pp. 167’168 and 171.I wish to thank Dr. Miguel Rabí for showing me this source.

⁹⁴ The marital status of slaves was not usually indicated, thus rendering a comparison between gender and marital status among free and enslaved peoples impossible.

⁹⁵ Valdizán, , La facultad, 3: p. 172.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Savitt, , Medicine and Slavery, p. 143,Google Scholar says that respiratory ailments were one of the leading causes of death among mid-nineteenth century Virginia slaves, although respiratory ailments among eighteenth-century slaves in Colombia were minimal, Chandler, , Health and Slavery, p. 183.Google Scholar Slaves were particularly susceptible to respiratory disorders in Rio de Janeiro, Karasch, Slave Life, pp. 172–73.

⁹⁷ de Esteyneffer, Juan, Florilegio medicinal de todas las enfermedades sacado de varios y clásicos autores para bien de los pobres y de los que tienen falta de médicos, [1712], 6th ed. (México: Academia Nacional de Medicina, 1978), I: pp. 459–503.Google Scholar Elaborate classifications of fevers into different varieties and subdivisions account for the high percentage of all illnesses. For instance, calentura ética was an intense fever with three “grades” or levels, but where the fever maintained a constant temperature. If the fever reached the third level, the patient was certain to die. Patients with tersianas rarely died.

⁹⁸ See Chandler, , Health and Slavery, pp. 184–200;Google Scholar Chandler, “Health Conditions,” p. 65; Karasch, Slave Life.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ David Savitt argues that yaws, a disease commonly associated with primitive living conditions, was common among Virginia plantation slaves for two centuries, but had disappeared by the Civil War, Medicine and Slavery, p. 73.

¹⁰⁰ Karasch, , Slave Life, pp. 148, 149.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Savitt, , Medicine and Slavery, pp. 63–71;Google Scholar Chandler, , Health and Slavery, pp. 219–22;Google Scholar Karasch, , Slave Life, pp. 169–71.Google Scholar Some limeño slaves reported contracting lombrices de guinea in Cartagena, AAL, CN, Leg. 21, “Declaración de Simón Congo,” 2 February 1686. Some patients were diagnosed with “mal de estómago” which could signify worms.

¹⁰² Chandler, , Health and Slavery, pp. 179–182.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Data are only available for 1,333 of the free population and 859 of the enslaved group who entered the hospital. Of the 396 free persons who died, 288 (73%) were women and 108 (27%) were men which reflects the overall demographic ratio of the sample. Of the 202 slaves who died, 95 (47%) were women and 107 (53%) were men, which is about 10 percent higher for women.

¹⁰⁴ Of 200 (out of 202) where the date of death is known, 85 (42.5 %) remained 1 to 7 days; 35 (17.5%) 1 to 2 weeks; 52 (26 %) 2 weeks to 1 month; 20 (10%) 1 to 2 months; 7 (10 %) 2 to 6 months; and 1 over a year.

¹⁰⁵ A greater concentration of smallpox from October 1686 to March 1687 may indicate the development of an epidemic.

¹⁰⁶ This number increases by 10 per cent if one includes strokes or rheumatism (corrimiento).

¹⁰⁷ Of 150 patients claiming “old age,” as their illness, 133 provide complete information. Ninety-two of those patients (62 women and 30 men) died.

¹⁰⁸ In Brazil, a significant number of elderly slaves were either sent to hospitals or went of their own volition because other care was unavailable to them. Karasch, Slave Life, p. 135, says this was generally the case in Rio before 1840 when many slaves were sent to the Casa da Misericordia.

¹⁰⁹ The original ordinances show an awareness of this fact, Valdizán, La facultad, III: p. 173. This type of “manumission” continued to be a problem in the nineteenth century. One authority wrote, “Aware of the malicious experience and means by which Owners excuse themselves from paying their medical bills by presenting their Slaves as “freedmen”; we order that if we are to receive them into this hospital they must swear that they received freedom before they became ill, because of the fact that owners bring them in a moribund state and take advantage of the situation, or that because they are elderly they grant them manumission to excuse themselves from the bother of payment of the burial fee, or the cost to maintain them … each male or female slave who comes to this hospital to be cured must come with the knowledge of his/her owner, pay the 4 reales, and if they do not pay, their slaves will be automatically granted freedom on the pain of a scandalous lack of respect for humanity,” AGI, Lima 797, “Ordenanzas para el Hospital de San Bartolomé,” (1820).

¹¹⁰ Bowser has argued that attitudes toward manumission may have varied according to the availability of a steady labor force and the degree of economic prosperity in a given area, Bowser, “Colonial Spanish America,” p. 32. I would agree with this but also argue that the very existence of an institution such as the Hospital de San Bartolomé would increase manumission rates for the wrong reasons. Demographic studies of other hospitals in Lima are needed to provide comparative data on death rates, patients, and types of illnesses.

¹¹¹ On the ratio of free female to male slaves in Lima and Peru in general, see Mazet, , “Population,” p. 79;Google Scholar Bowser, , “Colonial Spanish America,” p. 31.Google Scholar In Bahia, manumission of women was only slightly higher than men, Nishida, , “Urban Slavery,” p. 375.Google Scholar

¹¹² Bryant, William Cullen, “Thanatopsis,” (1817, 1821).Google Scholar