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Anglo-American Diplomacy and the British West Indies (1783-1789)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Charles W. Toth*
Affiliation:
University of Puerto Rico

Extract

On the eve of the American Revolution colonial trade with the islands of the British West Indies had reached considerable proportions. Close to 40% of the ships leaving the ports of New York and Boston alone sailed directly to the English possessions in the Caribbean, and an estimated 500 sloops and schooners were involved in both direct and indirect commerce. The year 1767 saw a total of 2000 vessels cleared through American ports for the West Indies.

The landowners in the West Indies were highly dependent upon the American colonies for supplies of foodstuffs (including livestock) and lumber. Therefore agricultural America had an outlet for its primary products, while the West Indian planter had a steady market for his sugar economy. In effect the trade with the BWI had become, on the eve of the Declaration of Independence, a cornerstone of American commerce. The importance of this trade can, and has, been documented. But no better than by the remark of Paul Revere shortly after the famous midnight ride. Traveling through the major commercial areas of New England, Revere reported “a sentiment in favor of Congress, so constituted, in order to place a restriction on the trade of the West Indies.” Actually the colonies were not about to injure this trade. After Boston harbor was shut down, John Adams remarked that its commerce was “an essential link in a vast chain, which has made New England what it is, the southern provinces what they are, the West India islands what they are.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1976 

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References

1 A good survey of northern shipping can be found in Weeden, William B., Economic and Social History of New England, 1620–1789. (New York, 1890). 2 volumes.Google Scholar See especially II, 758 ff. There is also valuable material in Dickerson, Oliver M., The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution. (Philadelphia, 1951).Google Scholar Also Andrews, Charles M., “Colonial Commerce,” American Historical Review, 20 (1914).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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12 Butterfield, L.H., ed., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 3, 77. (Cambridge, 1961).Google Scholar 4 volumes. Anderson estimated that on return voyages the South took one-half the balance in dollars, the Middle-Colonies 25% in dollars and Sterling bills of exchange, and New England not above 10% in dollars. Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 562. Anderson cites these figures to advance the argument that the colonies never took more than a small part of the produce of the islands.

13 William B. Weeden, op. cit., II, 232. For an excellent review of the situation in the 1780’s see Giesacke, Albert A., American Commercial Legislation Before 1789. (Boston, 1910).Google Scholar

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16 Ibid., VIII, 228. Letter dated March 9, 1785.

17 Johnston, Henry P., ed., The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 3, 180. (New York, 1890–1893). 4 volumes.Google Scholar John Adams had already made the suggestion the previous year in a mood of despair concerning the West Indies, stating that “there is no better advice to be given to the merchants of the United States, than to push their commerce to the East Indies as fast and as far as it will go.” Works (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 343.

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28 Diary and Autobiography, (Butterfield edition), III, 133n.

29 An excellent survey of the Order in Council can be found in Gerald S. Graham, Sea Power and British North America, 1783–1820. On December 26, 1783 an Order continued the previous declaration, and this policy of exclusion of American ships was to be continuously reaffirmed until embodied in an Act of Parliament in 1788 which remained in force until 1793.

30 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 79. The term ‘United States’ was originally used in the commission given to Oswald. Jay remarked that “this word set the whole machine in motion.”

31 Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, (Wharton), VI,92.

32 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 90,98.

33 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 66.

34 Ibid., I, 370. Hartley’s Observations, delivered to the commissioners on May 21, 1783, may be found in Adams’ Diary and Autobiography, edited by Butterfield. See volume III, 131–133.

35 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 138n. Note that Hartley’s six propositions of June, and the comments by the commissioners on June 19, are arbitrarily dated June 1, 1783 by Wharton. See Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, VI, 469–470.

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51 Loc. cit.

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61 Ibid., II, 406. The full draft of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce is composed of twenty-seven articles, and should rank as a major document in the history of American diplomacy. See pages 406–417.

62 Ibid., I, 637–638.

63 Ibid., I, 601.

64 Ibid., I, 602–604. Excepted were the chartered companies of the East. Note that the American Intercourse Act had expired April 6, 1786.

65 Ibid., II, 500.

66 Virginia, North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts had so acted in 1784. New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and New Hampshire took action in 1785. Ibid., 514–515.

67 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 274. Adams warned, however, that to obtain the concession that Americans would not have to pay higher duties in British ports than British subjects, “we must stipulate that Britons shall pay, in our ports, no higher duties than our citizens.”

68 Ibid., IX, 536.

69 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 526.

70 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 351. Jay could speak with greater detachment, writing to Lord Landsdowne that “Mr. Pitt’s views as to America are yet to be ascertained. I wish they may be such as to increase the reputation and affection which his father’s memory enjoys among us.” Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 189’190.

71 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 526.

72 Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 545–546.

73 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 558.

74 Ibid., II, 561.

75 Ibid., I, 727.

76 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), II, 487.

77 Ibid., III, 193–194.

78 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 380–381. Adams remarked: “We should have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed [but we] should not be able to defend our coasts.” The reader will note that, not unlike his British contemporaries, Adams viewed the merchant fleet as a training ground and source for naval power.

79 By 1788 the balance of trade was solidly in favor of Massachusetts. See Christie, Ian, Crisis of Empire, Great Britain and the American Colonies, 1754–1783. (London, 1966).Google Scholar

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83 This trade was especially pursued after 1786 with regard to the rum industry.

84 Graham clearly shows that the arguments in favor of a British monopoly of the West Indies carrying trade would have lost their weight had there been any serious doubt of retaining the American market. The relaxation of the navigation laws within the next two decades were to prove that conclusively. See Gerald S. Graham, Sea Power and British North America, 1783–1820.

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