1 The standard history of the period is still Silva, Luiz Augusto Rabello da, História de Portugal nos seculos XVII e XVIII, 6 vols. (Lisbon, 1860-71)Google Scholar. Portuguese nationalism has produced a number of polemics such as Alvaro Doria, A., De novo a união iberica (Braga, 1961)Google Scholar but it is also reflected in serious monographs like Serrão, Joaquim Verissimo, O reinado de D. António Prior do Craw 1580–82, 1 vol. to date (Coimbra, 1956- )Google Scholar. Significant contributions have been made in the field of institutional history by Rau, Virginia, A Casa dos Contos (Coimbra, 1951)Google Scholar, Luz, Francisco Paulo Mendes da, O Conselho da India (Lisbon, 195 )Google Scholar, and Lobo, Maria Eulalia Lahmeyer, Aspectos da influência dos homens de negocio na politica comercial lbero-americana (Rio de Janeiro, 1963)Google Scholar. An interesting reevaluation was recently presented in Vidago, João, “Unidos Sim, Sujeitos Não, Ensaio sobre a independência e continuidade de Portugal durante a dinastia dos Filipes,” Ocidente, LXX (May, 1966), 205–20; (June, 1966), 240–59Google Scholar.

2 Inclán, Juan Suárez, Guerra de anexión de Portugal, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1897)Google Scholar is the best account of the military aspects of the acquisition of Portugal. The best Spanish monograph to have appeared on the period of union is Danvila, Alfonso y Buguero, , Don Cristobal de Moura (Madrid, 1900)Google Scholar.

3 Mello, Astrogildo Rodrigues de and de Almeida, Antonia Fernanda P., “O Brasil no período dos Filipes,” in Historia geral da civilizacão brasileira, Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, ed., 5 vols, to date (São Paulo, 1960- )Google Scholar is the latest of a number of rather uninspired accounts none of which surpass the pertinent sections of Varnhagen, Francisco Adolfo de, Historia geral do Brasil, 7th complete ed. (São Paulo, 1960)Google Scholar. An interesting essay is provided by Pagano, Sebastião, “O Brasil e suas relações com a corôa da Espanha ao tempo dos Felipes,” Revista do Instituto Historico e Geografico de São Paulo, LIX (1962), 215–32 Google Scholar but what is needed are more monographs like the excellent study by Canabrava, Alice P., O comércio português no Rio da Prata 1580–1640 (São Paulo, 1944)Google Scholar. Unbalanced revisionism can be seen in Nuñez Arca, P., Brasil restituido. Os tres Felipes da Espanha que foram reis de Brasil (São Paulo, 1957)Google Scholar. Two indispensable works for the study of Hapsburg Brazil are Boxer, C. R., Salvador de Sá and the Struggle for Brazil and Angola 1602–1686 (London, 1952)Google Scholar and Mauro, Frédéric, Le Portugal et l’Atlantique au XVII siècle (Paris, 1960)Google Scholar both of which are discussed with perception in Chaunu, Pierre, “Bresil et Atlantique au XVIIe siècle,” Annales Economies, Societes, Civilisations (Nov.-Dec, 1961), n. 6, 1176–1207 Google Scholar.

4 Braudel, Fernand, El Mediterraneo y el mundo mediterraneo en la epoca de Felipe II. 2 vols. (Mexico, 1953) II, 471–75 Google Scholar. (This is the translation of the French edition of 1949).

5 Population estimates for early Brazilian history are unreliable. See Simonsen, Roberto, História económica do Brasil (4th ed., São Paulo, 1962), p. 121 Google Scholar.

6 Bahia, capital of Brazil swore allegiance to Philip II on 19 May 1582. See Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (ANTT) Gaveta XVII, ff. 7–8 printed in As gavetas de Torre do Tombo, (5 vols, to date; Lisbon, 1960- ), III, 56–7Google Scholar. That Brazil was considered expendable in 1580 is indicated by the fact that both D. António and Philip II thought of surrendering the colony in return for support in the dynastic struggle. Sebastião Pagano, “O Brasil,” p. 227, notes Philip II’s plans and Veríssimo Serrão, O reinado, pp. 407–17, presents the pertinent materials on French designs in Brazil. Veríssimo Serrão, however, tries (unsuccessfully) to argue against D. António’s willingness to bow to French desires.

7 Hanke, Lewis, “The Portuguese in Spanish America with special reference to the Villa Imperial de Potosí,” Revista de Historia de America, LXI (June, 1961), 1–48 Google Scholar and sources cited therein.

8 Quirino, Tarcizio do Rêgo, Os habitantes do Brasil no fim do sêculo XVI (Recife, 1960), pp. 29–30 Google Scholar.

9 See the letter of Manuel Juan de Morales (1636) in Cortesão, Jaime, ed., Jesuitas e bandeirantes no Guaira (1549-1640), Manuscritos da Coleção de Angelis, (Rio de Janeiro, 1951), pp. 182–93 Google Scholar; Garcia, Nilo, Aclamção de Amador Bueno. Influência espanhola em São Paulo (Rio de Janeiro, 1956)Google Scholar; Taunay, Afonso de Escragnolle, “A reintegração de São Paulo no imperio português colonial e o episódio da Amador Bueno da Ribeira,” Congresso do Mundo Portugues, IX, pt. 1, 267–88 Google Scholar; Taunay stated: “Tinham os espanhois por certo que a capitania de São Vicente e quasi todo o sertão brasilico antes de muitos anos tornariam a unir-se as Indias de Espanha, ou pela força das armas, ou pela industria, se os paulistas caíssem no desacordo de se desmembrarem de Portugal. . . .”

10 Livro primeiro do govêrno do Brasil 1607–1633, (Rio de Janeiro, 1958), p. 106; The depth of anti-Spanish feeling in Portugal is evident in Soares, Pero Roiz, Memorial, Almeida, Manuel Lopes de, ed., (Coimbra, 1953)Google Scholar. An English observer noted in the 1580’s “that great and deep-rooted hatred which is and always has been between the Portuguese and Castilian. . . .” Cited in Petrie, Charles, Philip II (London, 1963), p. 176 Google Scholar. Anthony Shirley, English soldier-of-fortune who served the Spanish, summed up contemporary Spanish opinion of Portugal in his memorial of 1622. He stated, “Portugal es opuesto y regaña contra el govierno de Castilla, y, como es diversso en lenguaje se diferencia lo mas que puede en traxe y costumbres; en todo es antiguo enemigo y yncierto vassallo y mudable de feé con facilidad pues no puede aunque avassallado encubrir su odio.” See Flores, Xavier A., Le “Peso politico de todo el mundo“ de Anthony Shirley ou un aventurier anglais au service de l’Espagne (Paris, 1963), p. 58 Google Scholar.

11 Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (Lisbon) (AHU) Bahia, papeis avulsos, caixa 1 1st series catalogued (30 Oct. 1626); Boxer, Salvador de Sa, p. 62 and sources cited therein.

12 Salvador, Prefeitura Municipal do, Documentos historicos do Arquivo municipal: Atas da Câmara (1625-1700) (6 vols.; Salvador, 1949-51), I, 76–77 Google Scholar; Costa, Luiz Monteiro da, Na Bahia colonial. Apontamentos para a história militar da Cidade do Salvador (Salvador, 1958), pp. 41–66 Google Scholar.

13 A number of Spaniards acquired large holdings and sugar mills in Brazil. For example, Marcos Fernandez Monsanto owned two in Espirito Santo. AHU, Bahia, papeis avulsos, caixa 3 (13 Jan. 1638). Spanish owned properties were sequestered in 1641. AHU, Rio de Janeiro, papeis avulsos caixa 1, Letter of Enrique Correia da Silva (10 July 1641).

14 Boxer, Salvador de Sa, pp. 82–100.

15 Archivo General de Indias (Seville), AGI, Audiencia de Charcas, legajo 112, (Bahia, late July, 1594).

16 Scelle, Georges, Le traite négrière aux Indies de Castille. Contraits et traites d’Assiento (2 vols.; Paris, 1906)Google Scholar; Mauro, Portugal et l’ Atlantique, pp. 148–181; and a slightly different version by Mauro, “L’Atlantique portugais et l’esclaves,” Revista da Faculdade de Letras (Lisbon), XXII, 2nd series, n. 2, (1956), 5–55 Google Scholar.

17 Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon) (BA) 51-VI-5, “Consulta de estado sobre o q. se entendeo da licença q. alguns homens de negocio alcançarão para navegarem navios de Sevilha para Brasil (16 June 1632),” ff. 11–13. For opposition to Sevillian control of the slave contracts see the document printed in Felner, Alfredo de Albuquerque, Angola. Apontamentos sobre a ocupação e início do estabelecimento dos portugueses no Congo, Angola e Benguela (Coimbra, 1933), pp. 494–96 Google Scholar.

18 Brazilian and Portuguese colonial contraband to Spain has never been studied in depth. Some sugar and East Indian spices entered Spain through Malaga and Seville as AHU, Codice do Conselho da Fazenda 43 (Oct., 1637), ff. 192–193v; Archivo General de Simancas (AGS) Secretarias Provinciales 1500 (28 Jan. 1609), f. 5; Secretarias Provinciales 1499 (16 Dec. 1608), f. 52v indicate. More important was the importation of Brazilian sugar to northern Spain. See for example, AHU, Codice do Conselho da Fazenda 38 (2 March 1629), ff. 57–58; Archivo Historico Nacional de Madrid (AHNM), Estado 76, ff. 363–66; Estado 81 (1608-11) ff. 171, 292–95, 359–60v; AGI, Buenos Aires 5, legajo 5 (8 Feb. 1609); AGS, Secretarias Provinciales 1519 (16 May 1625), f. 39v, (7 Aug. 1625), f. 69.

19 AHU, Bahia, papeis avulsos caixa 1, “Traslado da alvará de El-Rei passado em Valladolid 9 Agosto 1602 em que S. M. fez concessão a Pero de Urecha e Julião Miguel, vizinhos de Bilbao na provincia de Biscaia da pesca da baleia nas costas do Brasil”; Ellis, Myriam, As feitorías baleeiras meridionals do Brasil colonial, Tese de Livre Docência apresentada a Cadeira de História da Civilização Brasileira da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras da Universidade de São Paulo, (2 vols.; São Paulo, 1966), I, 10–20 Google Scholar.

20 Gabriel Soares de Sousa had suggested this project in 1584 in his Tratado descritivo. See the edition of Silva, Pirajá da, ed. Noticia do Brasil (2 vols.; São Paulo, 1940), II, 182 Google Scholar; Ellis, As feitorías, p. 19.

21 The price of whale oil fell from 20 to 8 milreis per pipe. AHU, Bahia, papeis avulsos, caixa 1, Papers of the suit between Pedro de Urecha and Antonio Fernandes da Mata (1609).

22 AHU, Bahia, papeis avulsos, caixa 1, “Diz Pero de Cascais . . .” (1614).

23 No studies exist on the Conselho da Fazenda, the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, or the Conselho de Portugal during the Hapsburg period. Aside from Danvila y Buguero’s biography of Cristobal de Moura cited above, the only other study of a Viceroy of Portugal under the Philips is Caeiro, Francisco, O Arquiduque Alberto de Austria (Lisbon, 1961)Google Scholar. Mendes da Luz, O Conselho da India is the standard work on that body and Lobo, Lahmeyer, Aspectos da influência deals with the consulado. Also, see her “Alguns aspectos da história da Mesa do Bem Comum dos mercadores,” Actas. V Colóquio internacional de estudos lusobrasileiros, (3 vols.; Coimbra, 1965), II, 383–87 Google Scholar. The futile proposals for a Board of Trade based on Spanish models are discussed in Kellenbenz, Hermann, “O projecto duma Casa da Contratação em Lisboa,” Actas. Congresso internacional de história dos descobrimentos, (5 vols, in 6; Lisbon, 1961), III, pt. 2, 233–49 Google Scholar. The secretarial system of government was a more lasting Spanish contribution and is discussed in Merea, Paulo, “Os secretarios do Estado do antigo regimen,” Boletim Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Coimbra, XL (1964), 173–89 Google Scholar. For the general organization of Portugal and Brazil under the Hapsburgs there are summaries presented in Lobo, Maria Eulalia Lahmeyer, O processo administrativo ibero-americano (Rio de Janeiro, 1962); and Historia administrativa do Brasil, (5 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, 1956-60), IIIGoogle Scholar, “A União Iberica,” by João Alfredo Libanio Guedes and Joaquím Ribeiro.

24 The pertinent documents on the Spanish reform of Portuguese justice can be found in AGS, Estado, Negociaciones de Portugal, 428. The best edition of the Philippine law code is the annotated version of Almeida, Candido Mendes de, Codigo philippino ou ordenações e leis do reino de Portugal, (4th ed.; Rio de Janeiro, 1870)Google Scholar.

25 Schwartz, Stuart B., “The High Court of Bahia. A Study in Hapsburg Brazil 1580–1630,” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University (1967)Google Scholar.

26 I have not touched on the matter of the New Christians under the Spanish Hapsburgs because of the size and complexity of that topic. There is no doubt that the Spanish Crown disliked the presence of Portuguese New Christians in Spanish America, but there is no proof that the investigations of the Holy Office in Brazil were due to Spanish prompting. Resident prelates had exercised inquisitorial powers in the colony and continued to do so after 1618. The failure to establish a permanent board of the Inquisition in Brazil seems to lie in the reluctance of the Portuguese Inquisition to assume the financial burden. See the introduction by França, Eduardo D’Oliveira to “Segunda visitação do Santo Oficio ás partes do Brasil,” Anais do Museu Paulista, XVII (1963), iii–xxxix Google Scholar.

27 Hapsburg territorial divisions of Portuguese colonies were not limited to Brazil. Benguella was separated from Angola in 1615. See Albuquerque Felner, Angola, passim.

28 The decision to separate Maranhão was made in 1618. AGS, Secretarias Provinciales 1516 (Madrid, 1 Feb. 1618).

29 “Memorial presented to the Royal Council of the Indies on the subject of the above Discovery after the Rebellion of the Portuguese,” by Cristóbal de Acuña is translated in Markham, Clements R., ed., Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazon (London, 1859)Google Scholar. For the Spanish designs on São Paulo see the letter of Viceroy of Peru Montesclaros to the King (1610) in Anais do Museu Paulista, I, 308 and the discussion of it in Cortesão, Jaime, Raposo Tavares e a formação territorial do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1958), p. 81 Google Scholar.

30 Frei Vicente do Salvador, História do Brasil (1500-1627), João Capistrano de Abreu, Rodolfo García, Frei Venancio Willeke, eds., (5th ed.; São Paulo, 1965), p. 429 notes that Carcamo was a Spaniard. Carcamo, however, never assumed his post because of ill-health. See Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (BNM), 2845, Nomination of the Governor of Maranhão (6 May 1625), f. 125.

31 Another instance was suggesting the institution of a High Court in Brazil by pointing to the Spanish American audiencias in Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa (BNL), Colecção Pombalina 647, “Razões q. darão os moradores da Bahia para não se extinguir a Relação” (1626). The same approach was used by Father Fernão Cardim in his “Treatise on Brazil,” in Purchas, Samuel, Hakluytus Posthumous or His Pilgrimes, (5 vols.; London, 1625), IV, 1323 Google Scholar.

32 Simpson, Lesley B., The Encomienda in New Spain (Berkeley, 1950)Google Scholar.

33 BA, 51-VIII-7, f. 37v; “Correspondência do Governador D. Diogo Botelho,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, LXXIII, 5; Leite, Serafím, História da Companhia de Jesús no Brasil, (10 vols.; Lisbon, 1938-50), V, 4 Google Scholar.

34 Biblioteca Nacional de Rio de Janeiro (BNR), Colecção Barbosa Machado, Notícias historicas e militares de América; BNR, 1, 2, 35 n. 27, ff. 26–30v (1630); AHU, Pará, papeis avulsos, caixa 1 (10 Jan. 1635); AHU, Codice do Conselho da Fazenda 41, ff. 226–229 (3 Jan. 1636); “Petição dirigida pelo Capitão-mor Bento Maciel Parente ao Rei de Portugal, D. Philippe III,” in Almeida, Candido Mendes de, ed., Memórias para a história do extinto Estado de Maranhão, (2 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, 1860-74), II, 35–37 Google Scholar.

35 The best account of Portugal’s position on the Indian in Brazil is Kiemen, Mathias, The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region 1614–1693 (Washington, 1954)Google Scholar.

36 The pertinent documents are the letters by Jesuit Father Henrique Gomes printed in Leite, História, V, 5–24. The riots in Rio are mentioned in Coaracy, Vivaldo, O Rio de Janeiro no seculo XVII (2nd ed.; Rio de Janeiro, 1965), p. 33 Google Scholar.

37 ANTT, Corpo cronologico, part 1 maço 115, doc. 108 (19 April 1610).

38 Ambrósio Fernandes Brandao reflects the colonist preoccupation with Peru in Dialogos das grandezas do Brasil (1618), José Antônio Gonçalves de Mello, ed., (2nd complete ed.; Recife, 1966). An excellent essay on the topic has been written by Hollanda, Sérgio Buarque de, Visão do paraiso. Os motivos edênicos do descobrimento e colomzação do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1959)Google Scholar, chapter II “O outro Peru.”

39 This information is provided by the document published in Varnhagen, Historia geral, II, 124–28. Another more detailed version is AGS, Secretarías Provinciales 1466, ff. 216–17, 299–310, 321–25v.

40 AGI, Audiencia de Charcas, legajo 112, “Testimonio y transcrito de la comission que don Luis de Sousa, governador de San Pablo dio a los caciques.”

41 This project of Domingos de Araújo and Belchior Dias Moreia is recorded in AGS, Secretarías Provinciales 1466, f. 284. It has been discussed by Calmon, Pedro in O segredo das minas da prata (Rio de Janeiro, 1950), pp. 13–40 Google Scholar.

42 The allotted number of African slaves to be imported into Spanish America was 4500 a year. This number does not reflect the considerable numbers of Negroes that arrived illegally from Africa or Brazil. Actual figures on the number of slaves arriving in Brazil and the Spanish Indies during the union are not available and there is considerable controversy on the existing data. What is of particular interest is that the slaves from Guiné went primarily to the Spanish Indies and that the eventual lack of slaves in Brazil stimulated the Paulistas to begin slaving raids on the Indians in order to provide the labor force needed by the Bahian and Pernambucan planters.

43 Rodney, Walter, “Portuguese Attempts at Monopoly on the Upper Guinea Coast,” Journal of African History, VI (1965), 312 ffGoogle Scholar. This is one of the most important articles on the African colonies under the Hapsburgs to have appeared. Rodney argues convincingly that the union with Spain enabled Portugal to establish dominance on the African coast.

44 Canabrava, O comercio, is the standard work on the Brazilian side. See also Becú, Ricardo Zorroquín, “Origenes del comercio rioplatense 1580–1620,” Anuario de Historia Argentina, IV (1943)Google Scholar.

45 Joaquím Heliodoro da Cunha Rivara, and de Magalhaes Basto, A. eds., Viagem de Pyrard de Laval (2 vols.; Lisbon, 1944), II, 230 Google Scholar notes the wide-spread use of Peruvian silver in Bahia. That colonists in Brazil were aware of their dependence on Buenos Aires is indicated in AHU, Rio de Janeiro, papeis avulsos caixa 1 (24 Sept. 1642).

46 Hieronimo Lippomano, Venetian ambassador to Spain, noted in 1587, “complaints of the Portuguese have reached an incredible pitch, they say that never before has a single ship of their fleet been captured and that they are now far worse off than when they had a king of their own.” Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English Affairs existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice . . ., (38 vols.; London, 1864–1947), VIII, 296.

47 Taylor, E. G. R., ed., The Troublesome Voyage of Captain Edward Fenton 1582–83, Hakluyt Society 2nd series, cxiii, (Cambridge, 1959), p. 126 Google Scholar.

48 Andrews, Kenneth R., Elizabethan Privateering. English Privateering during the Spanish War 1585–1603, (Cambridge, 1963)Google Scholar. The appendix to this book is a careful table of the shipping taken in the war.

49 This distrust and unrest can be seen in the materials published in Oliveira, Eduardo Freire de, Elementos para a historia do município de Lisboa, (19 vols.; Lisbon, 1882-1943), IIIGoogle Scholar.

50 Lowery, Martin C., “The Inland Customhouse at Córdoba,” Mid-America, XXXV (New Series XXIV), n. 1, 18–36 Google Scholar.

51 Rau, Virginia and Silva, María Fernanda Gomes de, Os manuscritos do Arquivo da Casa de Cadaval respeitantes ao Brasil, (2 vols.; Coimbra, 1955)Google Scholar, consulta of the Conselho do Estado (23 July 1626).

52 BNR, 1, 2, 35 n. 5 (Madrid 9 Dec. 1627) noted that production was at ⅓ of normal level. The figures presented in Mauro, Portugal et l’Atlantique show a decrease in the number of mills from 346 in 1629 to 300 in 1645. For Portuguese complaints see Livro primeiro, pp. 314–15; BNM, 2848, f. 165 (5 Sept. 1626); AGS, Secretarias Provinciales 1520, f. 107 (Madrid, 11 Sept. 1626).

53 Sluiter, Engel, “Dutch Maritime Power and the Colonial Status Quo 1585–1641,” Pacific Historical Review, XI (1942), 35 Google Scholar. For a summary of the fluctuations of Spanish policy toward the Dutch see by the same author, “Os holandeses no Brasil antes de 1621,” Revista do Instituto Arqueológico Histórico e Geográfico Pernambucano, XLVI (1961), 186–207. Neme, Mario, “A Bahia e o Atlantico,” Anais do Museu Paulista, XVII (1963), 133–349 Google Scholar concentrates on Dutch contacts with Brazil but is somewhat disorganized. On the connection of Brazil and the Hanseatic cities there is Kellenbenz, Hermann, “Der Brazilienhandel der Hamburger Portugiesen zur Ende des 16 und der Ersten Hälfte des 17 Jahrhunderts,” Actas. Ill Coloquio international de estudos luso-brasileiros (Lisbon, 1957), II, 227–86 Google Scholar.

54 Disregarding the histories and personal accounts of the recapture of Bahia which are summarized in Rodrigues, José Honório, Historiografía e bibliografía do dominio holandês no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1949), pp. 190–209 Google Scholar, there are the plays by Lope de Vega and Juan António Correa. See Solenni, Gino de, Lope de Vega’s “El Brasil Restituido“ together with a Study of Patriotism in his Theater (New York, 1929)Google Scholar and also José María Vinqueira Barrieiro, El lusitanismo de Lope de Vega y su comedia “El Brasil Restituido.” On Correa’s lesser known play, La perdída e restauración de la Bahia de Todos los Santos there is the edition of Carlos Lisboa, J., Uma peça desconhecida sobre os holandêses na Bahia (Rio de Janeiro, 1961)Google Scholar. Artistic evidence of the impact of the Brazilian victory can be seen in the allegorical painting that hangs in the Prado depicting the scene and in the little known painting in Seville that is described in Dorta, Enrique Marcos, La recuperación de Bahia por D. Fadrique de Toledo {162$). Un cuadro español de la época (Seville, 1959)Google Scholar.

55 The famous proposal of Jan Andries Moerboeck to the Dutch West India Company Motivos porque a Companhia das Indias Ocidentais deve tentar tirar ao Rei da Espanha a terra do Brasil, Rodrigues, José Honório, tras. (Rio de Janeiro, 1942)Google Scholar points out the strategie factors. See the summary in Boxer, C. R., The Dutch in Brazil 1630–1654 (Oxford, 1957), pp. 14–16 Google Scholar.

56 ANTT, Cartório dos Jesuítas, maço 8, doc. 20, Rui Teixeira to Count of Linhares (Bahia, 27 August 1587).

57 Archivo Historico Nacional de Madrid, Estado 76, ff. 159–161, 163–65, 206–7, 286 deal with troops sent to Chile by way of Brazil while AGI, Audiencia de Lima, legajo 33, Viceroy of Peru to King (15 May 1593) notes military information forwarded from Brazil to Peru concerning foreign pirates. These are indications that Brazil was being integrated into the Spanish defensive structure.

58 Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid), Colección Salazar K-72, King to Count of Monterrey (17 Dec. 1631).

59 Lonchay, Henry and Cuvilier, Joseph, Correspondance de la Cour de Espagne sur les affaires du Pays-Bas au XVIII siècle (6 vols.; Brussels, 1923), II, 603 Google Scholar; Elliott, John H., The Revolt of the Catalans (Cambridge, 1963), p. 493 Google Scholar.

60 BNM, Papeles de Orden de Christo 938, ff. 202–210 (1636). The Crown had ordered that all commanders of the military orders of Portugal go to Brazil to fight the Dutch or return ¼ (Christ) or ⅙ (Aviz, Santiago) of their annual stipend to the Crown. The Mesa da Consciência accused the king of exceeding his powers.

61 BNL, Fundo Geral 7627, ff. 41–43v. This document has interesting implications for the controversy on the feudal nature of the captaincy system in Brazil. Dr. Jorge de Cabedo, the Portuguese jurisconsult assigned the task by Philip IV, could find nothing in the original documents to require the proprietors to personally defend their areas. Thus there is seventeenth-century evidence that the military obligations of feudalism were not inherent in the captaincy system. Cf. Marchant, Alexander, “Feudal and Capitalistic Elements in the Portuguese Settlement of Brazil,” Hispanic American Historical Review, XXII (1942), 493–512 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 Arquivo Historico da Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, Livro 62, King to the Câmaras of the Kingdom (Madrid, 16 Sept. 1633), ff. 205–6v.

63 See the discussion of the Evora revolt in Mello, Francisco Manuel de, Epanáforas da vária história portuguesa, (3d ed.; Prestage, Edgar ed.; Coimbra, 1931)Google Scholar.

64 British Museum, Egerton 324, Consulta of the Consejo de Estado (16 May 1626).