Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-tdptf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-31T00:52:24.490Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Quiet Experiment in American Diplomacy: An Interpretative Essay on United States Aid to the Bolivian Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

G. Earl Sanders*
Affiliation:
California State University, Northridge, Northridge, California

Extract

In a personal letter dated October 1, 1953, to the President of the United States, Víctor Paz Estenssoro, President of the Republic of Bolivia, urgently appealed for both food and economic assistance for his nation. “Our availabilities in foreign currency,” Paz wrote, “have diminished so considerably through the fall in the price of tin and other minerals that we find ourselves in the insurmountable difficulty of not being able to provide food and other essential articles for the people, since in order to import them we need foreign currency.”

Never particularly stable, even by Latin American standards, the fragile fabric of the nation had been rent by the revolutionary change of April 1952 which brought the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario from underground and from exile to power. The MNR, led by Paz himself, had instituted rapid, radical modifications in the political, economic, and social structure of the country. These changes, however, exacted their toll. The most serious consequences were a decline in productivity of both minerals and foods. The nation, which had long depended on food imports, could not feed itself, and its foreign exchange earnings were insufficient to permit purchase of foodstuffs from abroad.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1976

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 29, p. 584.Google Scholar

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid., p. 82.

4 The best, although somewhat differing, treatments of the factors leading to the military reformist administrations of Toro and Busch are to be found in Klein, Herbert S., Parties and Political Change in Bolivia: 1880–1952 (Cambridge, 1969)Google Scholar and Malloy, James M., Bolivia: The Uncompleted Revolution (Pittsburgh, 1970)Google Scholar. Klein sees the Chaco War as the major stimulus in the rise of Toro and Busch (Chapters 6 and 7). Malloy, on the other hand, considers the Chaco War primarily an “accelerator” (after Chalmers Johnson); see his Chapter 4.

5 Klein, , Parties and Political Change Google Scholar, Chapters 8 and 9; Malloy, , Bolivia Google Scholar, Chapter 5.

6 Klein, , Parties and Political Change, p. 338.Google Scholar

7 Ibid., p. 347.

8 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 5, p. 188.

9 Ibid., p.563.

10 New York Times, December 7, 1941, p. 47.Google Scholar

11 Ibid., December 30, 1942, p. 33.

12 U. S. Department of State, Consultation Among the American Republics with Respect to the Argentine Situation: Memorandum of the United States Government (Washington, D. C., 1946), p. 29.Google Scholar

13 Foreign Policy Association, Foreign Policy Bulletin (December 31, 1943), p. 4.Google Scholar

14 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 10, p. 29.

15 Ibid., p. 584.

16 Malloy, , Bolivia, p. 137.Google Scholar

17 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 20, p. 764.

18 Ibid., Vol. 21, p. 472.

19 The Brookings Institute, Current Developments in United States Foreign Policy (July 1951-June 1952), p.66.Google Scholar

20 The Brookings Institute, Major Problems of United States Foreign Policy (1952–1953), p. 298.Google Scholar

21 Stebbins, Richard B., editor, The United States in World Affairs (New York, 1951), p. 311.Google Scholar

22 The brief description of the coup found in Brill, William H., Military Intervention in Bolivia: The Overthrow of Paz Estenssoro and the MNR, ICOPS Political Studies Series No. 3 (Washington, D. C., 1967), p. 13 Google Scholar, makes the overthrow of the government sound much like the standard Latin American coup, which, in a sense, is true. The brevity and lack of drama of the event did not presage the momentous changes that would come in the Revolution. Perhaps this, in part, explains the failure of the State Department to appreciate the depth and significance of this “coup.”

23 Wilkie, James W., The Bolivian Revolution and U. S. Aid Since 1952 (Los Angeles, 1969), p. 48.Google Scholar

24 New York Times, December 17, 1950, p. 14.Google Scholar

25 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 24, p. 501.Google Scholar

26 Ibid., p. 748.

27 New York Times, April 10, 1952, p. 3.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., April 13, 1952, p. 11.

29 Ibid., April 16, 1952, p. 8.

30 Ibid., April 17, 1952, p. 3.

31 Ibid., April 10, 1952, p. 3.

32 Ibid., April 15, 1952, p. 2.

33 Malloy, , Bolivia, p. 168.Google Scholar

34 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 26, p. 983.Google Scholar

35 New York Times, June 3, 1952, p. 10.Google Scholar

36 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 26, p. 115.Google Scholar

37 U. S. Congress, Senate, Accessibility of Strategic and Critical Materials, Senate Report 1627, 83rd Congress, 2nd Session, 1954.

38 This is the term employed by Malloy to denote the original members of the MNR, including Paz, Siles, and Guevara Arce, who provided the primary leadership following the 1952 coup. The center favored a flexible and realistic course between the extremes of the left and right. See Malloy, , Bolivia, p. 217.Google Scholar

39 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 28, p. 14.Google Scholar

40 Statistical Abstract of the United States (1952).

41 Klein, , Parties and Political Change, p. 80.Google Scholar

42 Hager, Dennis L., US.-Bolivian Relations in the Early 1950’s: A Preliminary Investigation, MS (1971), p. 23 Google Scholar. Hager also feels that other, secondary pressures helped bring recognition of the MNR, such as popular opinion, the U. S. commitment to Resolution XXXV of the Ninth Inter-American Conference at Bogotá in 1948 (which “stressed the desirability of continuing diplomatic relations regardless of what type of government happens to be in power”), and the possibility of Argentine influence in Bolivia. The latter seems to come closest to the mark.

43 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 25, p. 828, and Vol. 26, p. 167 Google Scholar. In the case of the Aramayo deal, U. S. purchases only ran to 1954.

44 Statistical Abstract of the United States (1952). Aid to the American Republics over the same year totaled over two hundred million dollars.

45 Letter to the author from Merwin L. Bohan dated July 12, 1971.

46 For a fine analysis of the jockeying of political forces, especially within the MNR, see Malloy, , Bolivia Google Scholar, Chapter 11.

47 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 29, p. 82.Google Scholar

48 Eisenhower, Milton S., The Wine is Bitter (New York, 1963), p. 194.Google Scholar

49 Bohan letter.

50 Malloy and Brill both discuss shifts in the domestic balance of power. See Malloy, , Bolivia Google Scholar, Chapter 11, and Brill, , Military Intervention Google Scholar, Part II.

51 Following its unsuccessful coup of January 6, 1953. New York Times, January 7, 1953, p. 14.

52 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 32, p. 545, and Vol. 33, p. 550.Google Scholar

53 Ibid., Vol. 35, p. 213.

54 New York Times, May 22, 1956, p. 21, and July 4, 1956, p. 25.Google Scholar

55 Wilkie, , The Bolivian Revolution, p. 43.Google Scholar

56 Ibid., p. 48.

57 Malloy says that Siles might have crushed the most important, and most troublesome, leader of the labor left, Juan Lechín, but, “probably fearful of the wide-open split, pulled back.” Malloy, , Bolivia, p. 238.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., p. 241.

59 New York Times, March 27, 1956, p. 3.Google Scholar

60 Ibid., September 21, 1958, p. 23.

81 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 40, p. 436.Google Scholar

62 New York Times, April 15, 1960, p. 3.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., December 21, 1960, p. 25, and December 24, 1960, p. 3.

64 Ibid., December 22, 1960, p. 3.

65 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 44, p. 454.Google Scholar

66 Ibid., p. 531.

67 Ibid., p. 920.

68 Wilkie, , The Bolivian Revolution, p. 48.Google Scholar

69 Malloy, , Bolivia, p. 297 Google Scholar. Malloy describes this drive in the context of the central government asserting its power over a number of semi-autonomous elements in the country.

70 The rise of Barrientos is sketched in Brill, Military Intervention, Part II.

71 Wilkie, The Bolivian Revolution, p. 71 and p. 73.

72 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 38, p. 890.Google Scholar

73 Wilkie, , The Bolivian Revolution, p. 48.Google Scholar

74 The concept has been stated and defined in a number of articles, especially in the military journals. For a typical example, see Zook, David H. Jr., “United States Military Assistance to Latin America,” Air University Review, XIV (September-October 1963), 82.Google Scholar

75 Wilkie, , The Bolivian Revolution, p. 48.Google Scholar

76 Eighth Special Forces Group, First Special Forces, Historical Report (nd). Not all of the mobile training teams were “offensive” in nature, in the sense that they prepared the Bolivian armed forces to “hunt down” insurgents. A number were civic action in nature; however, civic action, besides the developmental or nation-building meaning it originally had, also took on a special connotation in counter-insurgency—the elimination of the factors that lead to insurgent movements (hunger, disease, illiteracy, etc.).

77 Ortuño, René Barrientos, Primer Mensaje del Presidente Barrientos (La Paz, 1964), p. 7 Google Scholar. “En el campo de la iniciativa privada, que tiene mucho que hacer en el país, incluyo a los inversionistos nacionales y extranjeros, quienes contarán con todas las garantías y todos los incentivos que dentro de la ley sean necessarios para que radiquen capitales en nuestro territorio al abrigo de un estatuo ecuánime y alentador.”

78 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 51, p. 901.Google Scholar

79 U. S. Congress, Senate, , Critical Materials, Senate Document 83, 84th Congress, 1st Session, 1956, p. 116.Google Scholar

80 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 29, p. 554.Google Scholar

81 Goodrich, Carter, The Economic Transformation of Bolivia (Ithaca, New York, 1955), p. 11.Google Scholar

82 U. S. News and World Report, Vol. 34 (June 5, 1953), p. 68.Google Scholar

83 U. S. Department of State, Bulletin, Vol. 31, p. 202.Google Scholar

84 New York Times, September 24, 1955, p. 25.Google Scholar

85 Ibid., December 11, 1956, p. 14.

86 Rostow, Walt Whitman, The United States in the World Arena: An Essay in Recent History (New York, 1960), p. 253.Google Scholar

87 Ibid., p. 353. Rostow is conventional in this sense; he also implies that U. S. recognition of nationalist movements (“transitional,” “developing,” or “colonial” areas) not only came as a result of their increasing significance, but also as a response to the Soviet drive to woo those areas, which had begun in 1953.

88 Graebner, Norman A., “The Limits of Military Aid,” Current History, Vol. 50–51 (June 1966), 353.Google Scholar