¹ This is the well-known story of the adventures of Esplandián, written by García Ordóñez de Montalvo. Early editions are rare. There is a 1573 Venice edition in Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History. Cortés said the story he heard from the explorers was the same as the one “en las istorias antiguas.” See his instructions to Francisco Cortés, 20 March 1524, in Pacheco, Joaquín and Cárdenas, Francisco, Colección de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista, y organización de las antiguas posesiones Españolas en América y Oceanía, [Hereinafter CD.] (Madrid: Imprenta de José María Perez, 1870), 15, 153.Google Scholar

² The story is related in the fourth letter of Cortés, 15 October 1524, Cartas de relación de la conquista de la Nueva España … Codex Vindobonensis, s.n. 1600 (Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck-U. Verlaganstalt, 1960), fol. 190v. The colophon of the 1523 Seville edition of the third letter, copied on fol. 180v of this manuscript, plus other internal evidence, indicates that parts of the manuscript may have been copied from the first printed editions of the letters.

³ Nuño de Guzmán to the president of the Audiencia de México, 8 July 1530, CD, XIII, 329.

⁴ Bancroft, Hubert Howe, History of the North Mexican States and Texas, vols. 15 and 16 of The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (2 vols.; San Francisco: The History Co., 1886), 15, 33–35.Google Scholar

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⁸ Cortés to Cristóbal de Oñate, 14 May 1535, Archivo General de Indias, Seville [hereinafter AGI], Patronato 16, no. 1, ramo 15. Cortés summarized his attempts to settle in California in a letter to the Consejo de Indias, 25 June 1540, AGI, Patronato 21, no. 2, ramo 4, part 2.

⁹ Antonio de la Ascención, “Relación de la jornada que hizo el General Sebastián Vizcayno al descubrimiento de las Californias en el año de 1602,” translated in Wagner, Henry R., Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America in the Sixteenth Century (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1929), p. 194.Google Scholar

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¹¹ The earliest use of the name seems to be the testimony by Fray Antonio de Meno, 30 April 1541, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City [hereinafter AGN], Hospital de Jesús, leg. 300, exp. 114, fol. 116. Alvaro Portillo y Diez de Solano discusses the supposition that the name was applied as a joke. See his Descubrimientos y exploraciones en las costas de California, 1532–1650 (2nd. ed., revised; Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, S. Α., 1982), pp. 132–41.

¹² In 1542 Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo called the point nearest the Mexican mainland the Punta de California. See the summary account of his voyage in AGI, Patronato 20, no. 5, ramo 13, fol. 1–1v.

¹³ “Memoria y relación del descubrimiento,” AGI, Patronato 20, no. 5, ramo 11, fols. 9–23.

¹⁴ Ramasio, , Navigatione et viaggi, fols. 363–70.Google Scholar Holland, Francis R. Jr., “The Discovery of Alta California,” The Western Explorer: Journal of the Cabrillo Historical Association, 1 (August 1961), 1–15.Google Scholar

¹⁵ AGI, Patronato 20, no. 5, ramo 13.

¹⁶ Testimony of Francisco de Vargas, 26 April 1560, AGI, Justicia 290, fol. 72v–73.

¹⁷ Wagner, , Spanish Voyages, pp. 141–51.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid., p. 161, p. 372.

¹⁹ Statements by Pretty, Francis, de Sierra, Antonio, and de Alzola, Tomás in Mathes, W. Michael, ed. and trans., The Capture of the Santa Ana, Cabo San Lucas, November, 1587, vol. 18 of The Baja California Travel Series [hereinafter BCTS], ed. by Carpenter, Edwin and Dawson, Glen (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1969), pp. 29, 41, 52.Google Scholar

²⁰ Wagner, , Spanish Voyages, p. 237.Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid., p. 268.

²² Ibid., p. 247.

²³ Hakluyt, Richard, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries of the English Nation (12 vols.; Glasgow; James MacLehose and Sons, 1904), 9, 324–26.Google Scholar Vaux, W.S.W., ed., The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, vol. 16 of the Hakluyt Society Works (London: Hakluyt Society, 1854), p. 129.Google Scholar

²⁴ Wagner, , Spanish Voyages, p. 284.Google Scholar

²⁵ Geiger, Maynard J., The Life and Times of Junípero Serra, O.F.M.; or, The Man Who Never Turned Back (1713–1784) (2 vols.; Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1959), 1, 287–97.Google Scholar See also Hodge, Frederick Webb, Hammond, George P., and Rey, Agapito, eds. and trans., Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial of 1634, vol. 4 of The Coronado Cuarto Centennial Publications, 1540–1940, ed. by Hammond, George P. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945), pp. 137–48, 203–07.Google Scholar

²⁶ de Vascones, Mateo, “Relación” in Kelly, Celsus, La Australia del Espíritu Santo: The Journal of Fray Martín de Munilla, O. F. M., and Other Documents Relating to the Voyage of Pedro Fernández de Quirós to the South Sea (1605–1606) and the Franciscan Missionary Plan (1617–1627) (2 vols.; Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1966), 1, 126, 261–63.Google Scholar de Iturbe, Juan, “Sumario breve,” ibid., 2, 292.Google Scholar Numerous others tried to live among the Indians for varying periods of time, though perhaps not for such altruistic reasons. See, for example, Portilla, Miguel León, Voyages of Francisco de Ortega: California, 1632–36, vol. 30 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1973), pp. 35–36.Google Scholar See also Mathes, W. Michael, The Pearl Hunters in the Gulf of California, 1668, vol. 4 of BCTS (Los Angeles, Dawson’s Book Shop, 1966), pp. 45–46.Google Scholar

²⁷ Mathes, , Pearl Hunters, pp. 10–19.Google Scholar

²⁸ Carranco, Juan Cavaliere, “Summary Report of the Voyage Made to the Californias by Captain Francisco Lucenilla under Commission of the Marqués de Mancera, Viceroy of New Spain,” ibid., pp. 41–50.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid., p. 65.

³⁰ Ibid., p. 43.

³¹ Ibid., pp. 42, 47.

³² Ibid., p. 66.

³³ Dunne, Peter Masten, Black Robes in Lower California (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1952), pp. 29–37.Google Scholar

³⁴ Fray Antonio de la Ascención, quoted in Wagner, , Spanish Voyages, pp. 265–66.Google Scholar

³⁵ See his “Summary Report” in Mathes, , Pearl Hunters, p. 57.Google Scholar

³⁶ Mathes, W. Michael, trans, and ed., First from the Gulf to the Pacific: The Diary of the Kino-Atondo Peninsular Expedition, vol. 16 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1969), p. 45.Google Scholar

³⁷ Eusebio Francisco Kino to Francisco Fernández de la Cueva Enríquez, 5 February 1703, typed copy in the Huntington Library, HM17479. An annotated version is found translated in Burrus, Ernest J., Kino’s Plan for the Development of Pimería Alta, Arizona, and Upper California (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers Historical Society, 1961).Google Scholar For Kino’s discussion of the significance of the shells see Bolton, Herbert E., ed., Kino’s Historical Memoir of Pimeria Alta (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1948), pp. 195–96, 208–09, 230–38.Google Scholar

³⁸ Burras, Ernest J., ed. and trans., Juan María de Salvatierra, S. J.; Selected Letters about Lower California, vol. 25 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1971), p. 121.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid., pp. 113–14. Mathes, , Pearl Hunters, p. 45.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ This gratuitous assumption is most clearly stated in Cook, Sherburne F., The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), p. 24.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Burras, , Juan María de Salvatierra, p. 33.Google Scholar

⁴² Salvatierra to the viceroy, 28 November 1697, trans, in ibid., pp. 83–88.

⁴³ Schulz-Bischof, Elzbeth, trans., and Nunis, Doyce B. Jr., ed., The Letters of Jacob Baegert, 1749–1761, Jesuit Missionary in Baja California, vol. 45 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1982), pp. 143–44, 155, 165, 168, 177.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Dunne, , Black Robes in Lower California, pp. 396–422.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, pp. 204–05, 217–30.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cooke, Edward, A Voyage to the South Sea and Round the World (2 vols.; London: B. Lintot and R. Gosling, 1712), 1, 331–44.Google Scholar Cooke thought California was an island and that the Spanish had not settled there. Rogers, Woodes, A Cruising Voyage Round the World (London: Andrew Bell, 1712), pp. 279–318.Google Scholar Shelvocke, George, A Voyage Round the World by Way of the Great South Sea (London: J. Senex, 1726), pp. 398–415.Google Scholar Betagh, William, A Voyage Round the World (London: T. Combes, 1728), pp. 215–20.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Moriarty, James R III, and Smith, Benjamin F., eds., The Cora Indians of Baja California: The Relación of Father Ignacio Maria Napoli, S. J., September 20, 1721, vol. 19 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1970), pp. 60–63.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, p. 141.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Dunne, , Black Robes in Lower California, p. 447.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Burrus, , Juan María de Salvatierra, p. 156.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, pp. 140–41, 199, 220.Google Scholar

⁵² The currently accepted totals are 60,000 Indians in 1700 and 20,000 at mid-century. Jackson, Robert H., “Epidemic Disease and Population Decline in the Baja California Missions, 1697–1834,” Southern California Quarterly, 63 (Winter 1981), 310.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

⁵³ Father Baegert thought this would be a new Jesuit mission field. See his letter to his brother, 26 September 1761, in Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, p. 233.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For a summary of this transition see Weber, Francis J., The Missions and Missionaries of Baja California, vol. 11 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1968), pp. 45–50.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Fermín Francisco de Lasuén, Refutation of Charges, 23 July 1797, in Kenneally, Finbar, ed. and trans., Writings of Fermín Francisco de Lasuén (2 vols.; Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1965), 2, 277.Google Scholar Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, p. 153–54.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Mariano Payeras to José de la Guerra, 15 November 1815; Narciso Durán to Pablo Vicente de Solá, 28 October 1819, quoted in Guest, Francis F., “Cultural Perspectives on California Mission Life,” Southern California Quarterly, 65 (Spring 1983), 53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁷ Geiger, Maynard and Meighan, Clement W., trans, and eds., As the Padres Saw Them: California Indian Life and Customs as Reported by the Franciscan Missionaries, 1813–1815 (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, 1976), pp. 85–88.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ von Langsdorff, Georg Heinrich, Voyages and Travels in Various Parts of the World (Carlisle, PA: George Philips, 1817), p. 435.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Geiger, and Meighan, , As the Padres Saw Them, pp. 85–88.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Geiger, Maynard, trans, and ed., Letter of Luis Jayme, O. F. M., San Diego, October 17, 1772, vol. 22 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1970), pp. 32–34.Google Scholar Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, pp. 153–54.Google Scholar Zevallos, Francisco, The Apostolic Life of Fernando Consag, Explorer of Lower California, trans, and ed. by Servín, Manuel P., vol. 15 of the BCTS (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1968), p. 74.Google Scholar

⁶² Geiger, and Meighan, , As the Padres Saw Them, pp. 49, 61–64.Google Scholar Schulz-Bischof, and Nunis, , Letters of Jacob Baegert, p. 195.Google Scholar Guest, , “Cultural Perspectives,” 35–36.Google Scholar Vought, Martha, “Shamans and Padres: The Religion of the Southern California Mission Indians,” Pacific Historical Review, 36 (November 1967), 363–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶³ Narciso Durán to the president of Mexico, quoted in Guest, , “Cultural Perspectives,” 41.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid., 34.

⁶⁵ The best accounts are in Bancroft, Hubert Howe, History of California, vol. 1, 1542–1800,Google Scholar and vol. 2, 1801–1824, vols. 18 and 19 of the Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco: The History Co., 1886), I, 244–57, 290–97, 298–316; II, 34–35, 323–26, 333–35, 527–38.

⁶⁶ The classic statement of the anti-missionary position was made by Cook, Sherburne F. in The Indian versus the Spanish Mission, which was vol. 1 of his The Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization, (3 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1943).Google Scholar The most able defense of the Franciscan missionaries has been made in the various works of Francis F. Guest, cited herein.

⁶⁷ Neve planned to institute such a village at Los Angeles in 1781. Kelsey, Harry, “A New Look at the Founding of Old Los Angeles,” California Historical Quarterly, 55 (Winter 1976), 328–30.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ de la Pérouse, John Francis Galaup, A Voyage Round the World (2 vols.; London: A. Hamilton, 1799), 1, 442–44.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Vancouver, George, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World (3 vols.; London; G. G. & J. Robinson, 1798), 2, 15, 24.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Quoted in Guest, Francis F., Fermín Francisco de Lasuén (1736–1803): A Biography (Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1973), p. 290.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Geiger, and Meighan, , As the Padres Saw Them, 49, 61–64.Google Scholar There are no detailed reports of the sanitary habits of the California Indians, but there are glimpses here and there in letters and reports of the missionaries. Heizer, Robert F. discussed sanitary practices of other western tribes in “Analysis of Human Coprolites from a Dry Nevada Cave,” Reports of the University of California Archaeological Survey, No. 70, Papers on Great Basin Archaeology (Berkeley: University of California Archaeological Research Facility, 1976), 1–20.Google Scholar Practices of the aboriginal tribes of California can scarcely have been much different. For comments on protoagriculture in California see Lewis, Henry T., Patterns of Indian Buring in California: Ecology andEthnohistory, Ballena Press Anthropological Papers, No. 1 (Ramona, CA: Bellena Press, 1973).Google Scholar For information about chronic starvation among prehistoric California Indians see McHenry, Henry, “Transverse Lines in Long Bones of Prehistoric California Indians,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 29: 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷² Lasuén, Refutation of Charges, 23 July 1797, in Kenneally, , ed., Writings, 2, 212.Google Scholar Engelhardt says there were at least twenty-nine marriages. See his Upper California, vol. 3 of Missions and Missionaries of California (4 vols.; San Francisco: James G. Barry Co., 1913), 645. Other sources give higher totals.

⁷³ See, for example, the remarks by Jesuit missionary Salvatierra, Juan María in Misión de la Baja California, ed. by Baile, C. (Madrid: La Editorial Católica, 1946), pp. 210–11, 226–27.Google Scholar See also Jackson, , “Epidemic Disease,” 308–38.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See the testimony of the padres in Geiger, and Meighan, , As the Padres Saw Them, pp. 105–06.Google Scholar S. F. Cook concluded in 1943 that the padres were wrong and syphilis was not a major cause of Indian population decline. See his Conflict between the California Indians and White Civilization, I, 29. Recent research has shown this opinion to be wrong. See Meighan’s, explanation in As the Padres Saw Them, p. 7.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Lasuén letter of March 1, 1795, quoted in Cook, , Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization, 1, 110–12.Google Scholar See also Kelsey, Harry, trans, and ed., The Doctrina and Confesionario of Juan Cortés (Altadena, CA: Howling Coyote Press, 1979), p. 10.Google Scholar The protest idea seems to have originated with Hugo Reid. See his letters to the editors, Los Angeles Star, 15 February 1852 and later, letter no. 14, in which he describes the killing of infants conceived as a result of rape. These letters have been reprinted many times, though never from the originals, which are in the manuscript collection, Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History. The most recent reprint is the version by Heizer, Robert F., ed., The Indians of Los Angeles County: Hugo Reid’s Letters of 1852 (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1968).Google Scholar In this version the letter in question is numbered 16 (page 70). Heizer carefully noted the differences between the various published versions. Strangely enough, he did not consult the original manuscripts, though he knew of their existence (ibid., 4), but thought some had disappeared. Actually, the collection includes all of the published manuscripts, plus a number of Reid’s commentaries on the Indians of Los Angeles that have never been published.

⁷⁶ Guest, Francis F., “An Examination of the Thesis of S. F. Cook on the Forced Conversion of Indians in the California Missions,” Southern California Quarterly, 61 (Spring 1979), 16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Engelhardt, , Missions and Missionaries, 2, 527; III, 312–13.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Servín, Manuel P., “The Secularization of the California Missions: A Reappraisal,” Southern California Quarterly, 47 (June 1965), 133–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ Rawls, James J., Indians of California: The Changing Image (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984), pp. 70–72.Google Scholar Garr, Daniel, “Planning, Politics and Plunder: The Missions and Indian Pueblos of Spanish California,” Southern California Quarterly, 54 (Winter 1972), 291–307.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁹ The reports for 1785–1802 are published in Kenneally, , Writings, 2, 394–426.Google Scholar Those for the period 1785–1821 are summarized in Archibald, Robert, The Economic Aspects of the California Missions (Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1978), p. 154.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ The most widely quoted population study was done by Cook forty years ago, Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization. Cook relied largely on transcripts and summaries made in the late nineteenth century for Hubert Howe Bancroft. Ibid., I, 2, 14. His sources did not improve substantially with the years. In his last major study, The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970, he relied on the same sources, plus “transcripts” (really extracts and summaries) made by Thomas Workman Temple, two mission registers (it is not clear whether Cook actually used these or simply had them extracted by Temple), and studies of the Chumash villages done by Alan K. Brown. Ibid., pp. 21–23, 27–29, 87–88. In other words, some of the major studies of California Indian populations are based on secondary sources. Cook began to face the problem in 1976, when he admitted that “the baptism books are still available, and if time and opportunity were favorable, it would be desirable to make a definitive count.” (The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970, p. 35). While it is difficult to compare figures in Cook’s various studies, it appears, for example, that in the new work Cook changed his estimate of local gentile baptisms at Mission Soledad from the 1,326 listed in his 1940 work (p. 184) to 1,165 in the 1976 study (p. 29). Similarly, he changed his estimate of local gentile baptisms at Mission Santa Cruz from 1,506 in his 1940 study (p. 184) to 1,220 in his 1976 account (p. 29). In a still later work, which he coauthored, Cook finally began to rely on original records. Working with Woodrow Borah, Cook came up with “new assemblies based upon new readings of the registers” of eight missions, again reducing his totals. Nevertheless, he also continued to insist that the aboriginal population was more than twice as large as he had estimated in 1940. See Cook, S.F. and Borah, Woodrow, Essays in Population History: Mexico and California (3 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1979), 3, 189–90.Google Scholar In addition, the authors concluded that infant mortality in the missions was “no worse than in other comparable societies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” Ibid., III, 241–42. Obviously, no one can use Cook’s earlier studies without great caution, and it may very well be that most of his work should be done again. At the very least, Cook’s work on California Indian populations is open to serious question. In fact, all Indian population studies need to be approached with a good deal of caution. See Merrell, James H., “Playing the Indian Numbers Game,” Reviews in American History, 12 (September 1984), 354–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸¹ Cook, , The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970, p. 77,Google Scholar says: “From the earliest days of the missions intermarriage was common between Indians and Spaniards or Mexicans.” In the same book (p. 143) he says: “There were very few marriages between Spaniards or Mexicans and Indian women.” See also page 162, where he reverses the argument again.

⁸² Jackson, , “Epidemic Disease,” 310.Google Scholar

⁸³ Cook originally estimated the population at 135,000; Conflict between the California Indian and White Civilization, I, 3. By 1976 he had changed the total to 310,000; Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970, p. 43. Baumhoff estimated the population at 350,000; see the comments of Ubelaker, Douglas H., “Sources and Methodology for Mooney’s Estimate of North American Indian Populations,” in The Native Population of the Americas in 1492, ed. by Denevan, William M. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), pp. 237–39, 286–87.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See the annual summaries in Archibald, , Economic Aspects, p. 154 Google Scholar; and in Engelhardt, , Missions and Missionaries of California, 3, 653.Google Scholar Both of these sources seem to agree on a total approaching 80,000. Possibly the figure includes some whites, and it may be subject to interpretation on other grounds as well. Neverless, Engelhardt is consistent in stating that his totals include only Indians; white baptisms are listed separately. See his Missions and Missionaries of California, III, 316. Mission San Carlos Borromeo (.Carmelo), The Father of the Missions (Santa Barbara: mission Santa Barbara, 1934), p. 242. San Francisco, or Mission Dolores (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1924), pp. 270–71. San Miquel Arcángel, The Mission on the Highway (Santa Barbara: Mission Santa Barbara, 1929), p. 60. Mission Nuestra Señora de Soledad (Santa Barbara: Mission Santa Barbara, 1929), p. 81. See also Smilie, Robert S., The Sonoma Mission, San Francisco Solano de Sonoma (Fresno: Valley Publishers, 1975), p. 137.Google Scholar McCarthy, Francis Florence, The History of Mission San Jose, California, 1797–1835, ed. by Wood, Raymund F. (2nd ed.; Fresno: Academy Library Guild, 1958), pp. 136, 224.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Archibald, , Economic Aspects, p. 154.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ A major problem in Indian population studies is how to deal with assimilation. Cook, discusses the matter in Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970, pp. 75–76,Google Scholar and elsewhere.

⁸⁷ Ibid., p. 76.

⁸⁸ Cook, and Borah, , Essays in Population History: Mexico and California, 3, 211,Google Scholar agree that the missions in Alta California probably saved the Indians from a worse fate than the one they endured.