¹ “Auto para que declaren si en algún pueblo sirven las indias oficios de Alcaldes,” 1682, Archivo General de las Indias (AGI), legajo 270, no. 9-B.

² For discussions of both pre- and post-conquest traditions of female leadership in Andean and coastal Peruvian communities, see de Diez Canseco, María Rostworowski Rostworowski, La mujer en la época pre-híspanica (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1986);Google Scholar Silverblatt, Irene, Moon, Sun and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988);Google Scholar and Wightman, Ann W., Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1570–1720 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990), p. 97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Bakewell, Peter J., Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545–1650 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1984);Google Scholar Cole, Jeffrey, The Potosí Mita, 1500–1700: Compulsory Indian Labor in the Andes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985);Google Scholar Tandeter, Enrique, Coercion and Market: Silver Mining in Colonial Potosí (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1993);Google Scholar and Fabrega, Teresa Cañedo-Argüelles, Potosí: la versión aymara de un mito europeo: la minería y sus efectos en las sociedades andinas del siglo XVII (la provincia de Pacajes) (Madrid: Editorial Catriel, 1993).Google Scholar

⁴ Sánchez-Albornoz, Nicolás, Indios y tributos en Alto Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1978)Google Scholar and “Mita, migraciones y pueblo: Variaciones en el espacio y en el tiempo. Alto Perú, 1573–1692,” Historia Boliviana 3:1 (1983), pp. 31–59; Wightman, Indigenous Migration; Powers, Karen V., Andean Journeys: Migration and Ethnogenesis and the State in Colonial Quito (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995);Google Scholar Andrien, Kenneth J., The Kingdom of Quito, 1690–1830: The State and Regional Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Note that Andrien argues for the development of indigenous migration in response to state policy rather than an autonomous socio-economic strategy.

⁵ Burkett, Elinor C., “Indian Women and White Society: The Case of Sixteenth-Century Peru” in Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives, Lavrin, Asunción, ed. (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978), pp. 101–27;Google Scholar Glave, Luis Miguel, “Mujer indígena, trabajo doméstico y cambio social en el virreinato peruano del siglo XVII: La ciudad de La Paz y el Sur Andino en 1684,” Ciudades de los Andes: Visión histórica y contemporanea, Garcés, Eduardo Kingman, ed. (Quito: CIUDAD, 1992 [first published 1987] );Google Scholar Soloman, Frank, “Indian Women of Early Colonial Quito as Seen through Their Testaments,” The Americas 64:3 (January, 1988), pp. 325–342;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Larson, Brooke, “Producción doméstica y trabajo femenino indígena en la formación de una economía mercantil colonial,” Historia Boliviana, 3:2 (1983), pp. 173–188;Google Scholar Zulawski, Ann, “Social Differentiation, Gender and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial Bolivia, 1640–1725,” Latin American Research Review 25 (1990), pp. 93–114;Google Scholar They Eat from Their Labor: Work and Social Change in Colonial Bolivia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995).

⁶ Historians sometimes also engage in a degree of ethnic elision as a result of the often scant historical evidence about rural indigenous women. Many works that discuss Andean indigenous women’s economic activities migrate, as it were, toward discussions of the economic role of the urban mestiza in the nineteenth century. A recent example is Larson’s, Brooke chapter addition, “(Re)constructing a History,” to Cochabamba 1550–1900 : Colonialism and Agrarian Transformation in Bolivia (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998.Google Scholar On the process of cultural mestiaje, or cholaje, brought about by participation in urban markets and its effect on cuzqueña gender codes in the nineteenth century, see de la Cadena, Marisol, “Las mujeres son más indias: Etnicidad y género en una comunidad del Cuzco,” Revista Andina 1:9(1991), pp. 4–35.Google Scholar

⁷ Silverblatt, Irene, “The Universe has turned inside out… There is no justice for us here: Andean Women under Spanish Rule,” Women and Colonization: Anthropological Perspectives, Etienne, Mona and Leacock, Eleanor, eds. (New York: Praeger, 1980), pp. 149–160 and Moon, Sun and Witches.Google Scholar

⁸ See the perceived distance between “seminal” academic traditions and “ideological and postmodern reinterpretations of the Andean past” in Quiroz’s, Alfonzo review “Back to Basics: Migration, Labor, Markets and the State in the Colonial and Postcolonial Andes,” Latin American Research Review 33:3 (1998), p. 250.Google Scholar The direction of several recent studies of Indian women and indigenous society show a renewed interest in rural Indian women and the economy; many are works that profit from such newer approaches to indigenous and feminist history. Among important contributions for Mexico include essays by Gosner, Kevin, and Espejo-Ponce Hunt, Marta and Restall, Matthew in Indian Women of Early Mexico, Schroeder, Susan, et al., eds. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997).Google Scholar The extraordinarily integrative approach to gender employed by Ward Stavig yields significant insights concerning rural Andean women. See The World of Túpac Amaru: Conflict, Community, and Identity in Colonial Peru (Lincoln: University of Nebraska: 1999).

⁹ Cole, , The Potosí Mita, Table 4, pp. 74–6.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The number of originario men liable for tribute dropped from 17,779 in 1578 to 4,538 in 1684, according to a comparison of Cook, Noble David, ed. Tasa de la visita general de Francisco de Toledo (1570–1575) (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1975), p. 78 with the Reproduction of the Numeración General in “Petición de don Fernando de Torres y Portugual Conde de Villar para que se les conceda a los Padres de la Compañía de Jesús los indios necesaria para guardar de ganada obejano que tienen en el Collao,” 1690, AGI, legajo 270, no. 33, ff. 213–215.Google Scholar

¹¹ By the eighteenth century, the city of Puno dominated the region, and, at the end of the century, Chucuito was placed under the Intendency of Puno. See the comments concerning the decay of “city” buildings in the villa of Chucuito in Bishop of La Paz Pedro de Valencia’s 1619 informe reproduced in Toledo y los Lupacas: Las Tasas de 1574 y 1579 Catherine Julien et al., eds. (Bonn: Bonner Amerkanis-tische Studien, 1993), pp. 170–173 and the discussion of the difficulty priests had in gaining contact with their parishioners who lived outside the pueblos, in “Relación de modo de gobernarse los P.P. de la Compañía de Jesús en la educación de los indios del pueblo de Juli (1682),” Rubén Vargas, Ugarte S.J. ed. Manuscritos Peruanos del Archivo de Indias II (Lima: Biblioteca Peruana, 1938), p. 65.Google Scholar

¹² Bakewell, , Miners of the Red Mountain, p. 57.Google Scholar

¹³ Murra, John V., “Un reino aymara,” Garci Díez de San Miguel, Visita Hecha a la Provincia de Chucuito en 1567 Soriano, Waldemar Espinosa, ed. (Lima: Casa de Cultura del Perú, 1964), p. 223.Google Scholar

¹⁴ de San Miguel, Díez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, p. 105.Google Scholar

¹⁵ “Carta a SM del los licenciados Cepeda y Lopidana, contestando a varias reales cédulas,” La Plata, 1586, AGI Charcas, 16, R. 25, N. 132 reproduced in Levillier, D. Roberto, Audiencia de Charcas: Correspondencia de presidentes y oidores, Documentos del Archivo de Indias, Tomo II, 1580–89 (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1922), p. 282.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Saignes, Thierry, Los Andes orientales: Historia de un olvido (Cochabamba, Bolivia: Instituto Francés de Estudios Latinos/ CERES, 1985), p. 177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ de Ayans, Fray Francisco, “Breve Relación de los agravios que reciven los indios que a desde cerca del Cuzco hasta Potosí (1598),” Ruben Vargas, Ugarte, S.J. ed. Pareceres jurídicos en asuntos de Indias (1601–1718) (Lima: n.p.), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ayans, “Breve Relación,” p. 56. Ayans’ impression of the rapid decline in the indigenous population of the area is related to some degree to the epidemics that swept through all of the Americas during the early colonial period. However, the depopulation noted by observers does not exactly correspond with the history of epidemics in the area. A general epidemic stuck Upper Peruvian provinces between 1588–1589, but the worse period of death from disease occurred in 1618–19, when smallpox and measles ravaged the population. These outbreaks were reported almost two decades after Fray Ayans wrote of the decimation of Juli’s population. Sánchez-Albornoz noted that the most severe loss of population seems to have preceded 1567. By deriving an estimate of the number of men of tributary age from the visita, he estimates that within the century preceding Garci Díez’s visit, the population in the Chucuito area had dropped by over one-third. See Indios y tributo en el Alto Perú, p. 44. Also see Cook, Noble David, Demographic Collapse of Indian Peru, 1520–1620 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 62.Google Scholar

¹⁹ “Tasa de 1574, Pedro Gutiérrez Flores y Juan Ramírez Segarra,” in Julien, , Toledo y los Lupacas, p. 11.Google Scholar

²⁰ The total number of adult men in the province was 16,687 and women numbered 23,093, from de San Miguel, Garci Diez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, passim, and Cook, Demographic Collapse, pp. 45–6.Google Scholar The total number of women counted in the Toledan visita, taken in 1572, was 38,915. The visita listed women of “all ages and states,” so the increase is partially explained by the addition of girls to the category of women. Cook, David Noble, ed. Tasa de la visita general de Francisco de Toledo (1570–1575) (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1975), p.78 Google Scholar. In addition, there was a slight increase in population overall in the province between 1566 and 1572 according to Cook, , Demographic Collapse, p. 242,Google Scholar but this increase may be explained by the inclusion of mitayos who had been “hidden” in the earlier census.

²¹ de San Miguel, Diez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, p. 94.Google Scholar The tradition of receiving a house of one’s own and property at the time of marriage continues in the town of Chucuito in today. See Tschopik, Harry, “The Aymara,” Handbook of Latin American Studies Volume 2: The South American Civilizations (Washington: Smithsonian Institute), p. 546;Google Scholar Hickman, John and Stuart, William T. “Descent, Alliance and Moiety in Chucuito, Peru: An Explanatory Sketch of Aymara Social Organization” Andean Kinship and Marriage, Bolton, Ralph and Mayer, Enrique, eds. (Washington: American Anthropological Association, 1977).Google Scholar

²² See Kuznesoff, Elizabeth Anne, “The Role of the Female-Headed Household in Brazilian Modernization: Sao Paulo, 1765–1836” Journal of Social History 13 (Summer 1980), pp. 589–611;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Arrom, Silvia Marina, The Women of Mexico City, 1790–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985);Google Scholar and several of the articles in the 1991 Journal of Family History 16:3, especially those by PotthastJutkeit, Barbara, “The Ass of a Mare and Other Scandals: Marriage and Extramarital Relations in Nineteeth-Century Paraguay” and Ramos, Donald, “Single and Married Women in Vila Rica Brazil, 1754–1838.”Google Scholar

²³ de San Miguel, Diez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, p. 207.Google Scholar

²⁴ Tschopik, “The Aymara,” p. 543. For a contemporary reports by Spaniards that polygamy was restricted to the nobility in the area, see Cieza de Leon, Pedro, Crónica del Perú, Primera Parte, Franklin Pease, G.Y., ed. (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1984) Capítulo C, p. 276;Google Scholar Cobo, , Inca Religions and Customs (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), pp. 204–210.Google Scholar

²⁵ Tschopik, , “The Aymara,” p. 546.Google Scholar

²⁶ “Padrón de los yndios mitayos,” 1600, Casa Real de la Moneda- Archivo Histórico de Potosí (hereafter AHP) Caja Real 72, , f. 91.

²⁷ Evans, Brian M., “Migration Processes in Upper Peru in the Seventeenth Century,” in Robinson, David, ed. Migration in Colonial Spanish America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 80.Google Scholar

²⁸ Stavig’s findings suggest that children, in contrast to women, may have been sometimes seen as a liability during the journey to and turn in Potosí. See The World of Túpac Amaru, p. 177.

²⁹ Parson, , “Producción doméstica,” pp. 177–83.Google Scholar

³⁰ “Carta de don Luis de Velasco, virrey de Lima, al licenciado Juan Díaz de Lopidiana, oidor desta Real Audiencia y corregidor en Potosí,” 1597, Archivo Nacional de Bolivia (hereafter ANB ) Minas T. 122 no. 7; “Provisión librada por don Luis de Velasco, virrey del Peru para que se expedió en 1596 establiciendo la orden que se había de tener con los indios de la provincia de Chucuito que van a la mita de Potosí,” 1603, ANB Rück, T.2, f. 2.

³¹ Real Cédula, Madrid, 10-X-1618, Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias, Libro VI, Titula XVI, Ley XI, Tomo II, no. 318 noted in Wightman, , Indigenous Migration, p. 18.Google Scholar Originarias were not the only women abandoned by husbands or male relatives. In some cases, the “round up” of Indians for reduction prompted the abandonment of both immigrant and originaria women, indicating either that either immigrant men were being forced to serve in the Potosí mita, that originario (men) had immigrant wives, or both. See, for example, AGI, leg. 268, no. 37, 8 June 1673. For abandonment among yanacona women in Pilaya y Paspaya see Zulawski, , They Eat from their Labor, pp. 192–93.Google Scholar

³² Such is suggested by a 1636 list of mitayos from Chucuito who had escaped their turn by either not appearing for duty or fleeing, “Expediente de autos seguidos antes del la Audiencia de Charcas: Alonso de Arrellano contra el ex-gobernador de la provincia de Chucuito, sobre que debe por varios servicios, con la compensación de la quiebra de la mita de los pueblos de Pomata, Yunguyo, y Çepita en el año 1638,” ANB Minas T.144 no. 10, 1645–1653.

³³ “Testimonio de los autos seguidos por Don Blas Ignacio Catacora, cacique principal y governador del pueblo de Acora en la provincia de Chuquito, a fin de que se le acuerden las gracias y premios a que sus mayores se habían hecho creedores por sus servicios al Rey y su continua asistencia a la pesada mita de Potosí,” 1625, Archivo General de la Nación (Peru) (hereafter AGN), Derecho Indiano y Encomiendas, leg. 7, no. 70, f. 300 (detached).

³⁴ According to Viceroy Conde de Alba, the number of mitayos from Chucuito sent to Potosí in 1662 was 500, “El Virrey Conde de Alba a VM, Remite diferentes papeles que tocan de la mita de Potosí,” 1662, AGI Charcas, leg. 267, no. 19. The viceroy claims that this was a weekly draft, but this seems highly unlikely. The yearly dispatch in 1692 was 535 according to Tandeter, , Coercion and Market, p. 31.Google Scholar Also see “Cargo y data de las cuentas de la Real Hacienda de la caja de Potossi,” 1660, AGI Charcas, leg. 269, no. 2, esp. f. 354.

³⁵ “Despacho de la Mita de Potosí,” Puno, 1673, BNP, B585.

³⁶ “Reclamos i accusaciones de varios caciques de Juli provincia de Chucuito contra su theniente don Diego de Martínez por abusos,” 1693, ANB Expedientes (hereafter EC) 23, f. 9-9v. It is also noteworthy that in the 1657 testament of Pedro Catacora, the cacique and capitán of the mita for Acora and Yunguyo, there is a provision to pay “the indias and indios that have served the mita and who are now in my house in Acora.” AHP, Escrituras Notariales (EN), leg. p. 118, Baltasar de Barrionuevo, notary, f. 751v. My thanks to Jane Mangan for providing me with this document.

³⁷ “Don Juan Churacapie, indio principal de la parciliadad de los Ayriguas en el pueblo de San Sebastian de Sepita, provincia de Chucuito, enterador de la mita de Potosi sobre las faltas y los atrasos que en el desempeño de su oficio ha experimentado por culpa de su gobernador don Ascensio Fernández,” 1748, ANB Minas T.126, no. 16, f. 1-a.

³⁸ Tandeter, , Coercion and Market, pp. 17–19.Google Scholar

³⁹ By the late eighteenth century, some of Chucuito’s mitayos simply refused to serve mita duty, complaining of the unremunerated and harsh labor they, their wives and children were forced to perform, “Expediente sobre los autos seguidos a cinco indios por haber desertado del servicio de las minas de Potosí en compañía de sus respectivas familias, por haberseles tenido sometidios a duros trabajos.” Chucuito, 1802, BNP D 31, and “Expediente formado sobre esclarecer varios abusos y pensiones con que se oprime en la villa de Potosía los indios mitayos,” Chucuito, 1802, BNP D 33.

⁴⁰ Burkett, “Mujeres indígenas en sociedad blanca”; Silverblatt, Sun, Moon and Witches.

⁴¹ Both women and men traditionally wove cloth for tribute under Inca rule. See Murra, John V., Formaciones económicas y políticas del mundo andino (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1975), esp. p.149.Google Scholar

⁴² The absence of men from the community was tied to the Potosí mita in the Toledan visita. See Julien, Toledo y los Lupacas, passim.

⁴³ de San Miguel, Díez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, p. 127.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Toledo Ordenanzas XII, XIV, XIX, Gobernantes del Perú: Cartas y Papeles Siglo XVI, Tomo VIII, Roberto Levillier, ed. (Madrid: Imprenta Juan Pueyo, 1925), pp.346–8.

⁴⁵ Recopilación, Libro VI, Título V, Ley XIX.

⁴⁶ See for example, Silverblatt, , Moon, Sun and Witches, pp. 129–131.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Villanueva, Margaret, “From Calpixqui to Corregidor: Appropriation of Women’s Cotton Textile Production in Early Colonial Mexico,” Latin American Perspectives 12/1 (1985), pp.17–40;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Larson, “Producción doméstica.” It should be noted that Mexican indigenous women may have been more integrated into the Spanish colonial tribute system. See the comments of Ots Capdequi, José María, El sexo como circunstancia de la capacidad jurídica en nuestra Legislación de Indias (Madrid: Tipografío de la “Revista de Archivos,” 1930), p. 430.Google Scholar For an appraisal of the informant’s complaints about cloth production emphasizing the male role as cloth producer in Chucuito, see Assodourian, Carlos Sempat “Exchange in the Ethnic Territories between 1530 and 1567: The Visitas of Huánuco and Chucuito,” inLarson, Brooke and Harris, Olivia, eds. Ethnicity, Markets and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology (Durham: Duke University, 1995), esp. pp. 110–112.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ In 1568, the total collected for Chucuito was only 3,870 pesos, while the total payment reached an all-time high in 1601 of 60,074. For the period, 1575–1620, the average ran around 30,000 pesos. Barnardas, Joseph M., Charcas: Orígenes históricas de una sociedad colonial (La Paz: Centro de Investigación y Promoción del Campesino, 1973), p. 604.Google Scholar In the seventeenth century, however, the province was, in fact, perpetually remiss in tribute payment. For a full listing of tribute submitted to the Caja Real by Chucuito, see Escobedo, Ronald, El tributo indígena en el Perú (siglos XVI-XV1I) (Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarro, 1979), pp. 282–300.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “Petición de Don Carlos Vissa, Cacique de Chucuyto,” 1600, AGI Charcas no. 26.

⁵⁰ Tasa de la visita general de Francisco de Toledo, p. 79. The total amount of provincial tribute was set at 80,000 pesos annually.

⁵¹ “Carta a S.M. de Licenciado Cepeda acerca de la residencia y cuentas de D. Jerónimo de Silva, governador de la provinica de Chucuyto,” La Plata, February 20, 1585 in Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas, pp. 189–90.

⁵² In 1600, the Indians of Chucuito complained that the mitayos they sent to Potosí, entrusted with llamas, food and clothing, returned to the communities empty-handed. Bakewell, , Miners of the Red Mountain, p. 131.Google Scholar

⁵³ de San Miguel, Díez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, pp. 91, 109, 217–8, and 231; passim.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ayans, , “Breve Relación,” p. 44.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Relación de modo de gobernarse los P.P. de la Compañía de Jesús,” pp. 66–67.

⁵⁶ The question was #15 on a standard inquiry used for ecclesiastical review. See, for example, “Visita y escrutinio contra Manuel de Alcalá, cura y vicario de Chucuito,” 1683, Archivo Capítular, Arcodióses de La Paz, T4, f. 10.

⁵⁷ “Memorial de los casiques de la provincia de chucuito, acerca de los incovenientes y daños que resiben de sacar tantos indios alquilados de la provincia para trajines y de hazer tanta ropa como se haze por los officiales de la dicha provincia,” no date [late sixteenth century] in “Descubrimiento del Potosí y papeles de minas,” Biblioteca Nacional de España (BNE), Manuscript 3040, ff. 226–227. The report does not specify which officials were responsible for the abuse, but its wording strongly suggests they were Spanish officials and not the caciques accused of imprisoning women.

⁵⁸ Ayans, , “Breve Relación,” pp. 45–55.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ de San Miguel, Díez, Visita Hecha a la Provincia, p. 112.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ “Memorial de los casiques de la provinica de Chucuito,” BNE, f. 227.

⁶¹ de Ayala, Felipe Guáman Poma, Nueva Crónica y Buen Gobierno, Pease, Franklin, ed. (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1990), p. 80.Google Scholar Enrique Urbano argues that local complaints in Chucuito against Dominicans for abusing women, raping girls and imposing personal service on the female population were sociopolitical maneuvers orchestrated by Toledo, “El escándolo de Chucuito y la primera evangelización de los Lupaqa (Perú). Nota en torno de un documento inédito,” Cuaderno para la historia de la evangelización en América Latina 2 (1981), pp. 203–228. Even if that is so, it is notable that the complaints about the forced production of textiles among women appear in the visita taken before Toledo’s tenure and continued after it.

⁶² Tandeter, , Coercion and Market, p.17.Google Scholar While Tandeter claims that the system developed out of a legal practice sanctioned by Toledo, Cole calls the system “patently illegal,” The Potosí Mita, p. 37. Mine owners and operators were prohibited in 1618 from using Indians as “substitutes” and from paying for the absent, fled or dead, Recopilación, Libro VI, Título XV, Ley vj and vij. Most officials in my review of documents do not mention that the contributions in silver were in violation of the law, but instead used the issue to describe the miserable conditions in provinces and to argue that miners and officials in Potosí were doubly exploiting Indians.

⁶³ Bakewell discusses the conversion of Chucuito’s commodities into cash to pay for mingas as substitutes for mitayos in Potosí, Miners of the Red Mountain, 132. For a full discussion of minga labor and its significance in characterizing the colonial economy and for discussions of “community,” see Bakewell, and Stern, Steve J., “Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean,” The American Historical Review 93/4 (October 1988), esp. pp. 851–854.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Cole, , The Potosí Mita, p. 37.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ “El virrey Conde de Lemos da quenta de lo que ha proveido y resuelto en orden al alívio de los indios,” 1672, AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 4.

⁶⁶ “El Conde de Lemos da quenta a VM de lo ha escrito el virrey el Perú y paraceres que ha remitado de los términos y comunidades de aquel reyno propendiendo que se quita las mitas forzadas,” 1673, AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 37

⁶⁷ Untitled report to queen on the death of Philip IV signed by Don Andrés Ortiz de Mercado y Peña, 15 May 1668, AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 3.

⁶⁸ “Nícolas Polanço, Copia de los Ynfomes que en virtud del orden del Conde de Santistevan Virrey hicieron diferentes ministros de la Audiencia de Lima sobre la forma del entero de la Mita de Potosí, 1661, AGI Charcas, leg. 267, no. 20-A; “El virrey Conde de Lemos…, ” 1672, AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 4.

⁶⁹ Untitled report, AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 3, 1668.

⁷⁰ “Carta que el Conde de Lemos el Virrey del Peru escribó a Antonio Oviedo Corregidor de Potosí, January 1670, “AGI Charcas, leg. 268, no. 7-A.

⁷¹ “El contador Sebastian del Collado. Representa los medios que parecer proporcionados para conseguir la redución de los Indios a sus Pueblos,” 1682, AGI Charcas, leg. 270, no. 3, 1682.

⁷² Wightman, , Indigenous Migration and Social Change, pp. 60–62.Google Scholar

⁷³ Reproduction of Numeración General in ANB EC no. 1762, 1586–1696.

⁷⁴ 2,228 out of 2,464 forasteros were listed as advenedizos in the 1684 Numeración General, ff. 209–215. The notable exceptions were in the pueblos of Pomata, where the population of 512 advenedizos did not include 40 Indians who, the enumerator wrote, “have been settled the longest” (más antiguos de vezinidad) on the estancia of Nuestra Señora of Pomata and in the pueblo of Acora, where all of the 163 forasteros were “ from other provinces [and] generally serve their obligations to the mita.”

⁷⁵ “Petición de don Fernando de Torres y Portugual Conde de Villar,” 1586–1696, ANB EC no. 1762, f. 62.

⁷⁶ “Petición,” ANB EC no. 1762. In this case, “yanaconas” referred to Indians who were in service of the Church, or yanaconas de iglesia. In this document, like in many of its time, the distinction between forasteros and yanaconas had become blurred. In this case, the yanaconas de iglesia had been drawn from the migrant population of Juli without regard to their origin status.

⁷⁷ “Don Diego Chambilla, cacique del pueblo de Pomata provincia de Chucuito sobre las cuentas de administración de sus bienes en Potosí, a cuyo cargo había quedado Pedro Mateos cuando el presentante se retirió de dicha villa luego de haber desempeñando el oficio de capitán general enterador de la mita de Chucuito,” 1639, ANB Minas T.124 no. 1.

⁷⁸ de Santo Tomás, Fray Domingo defines “acsso” as the “vestido interior de las mugeres indias,” Léxico o vocabulario de la lengua general del Perú (Lima: Edición del Instituto de Historia, 1951).Google Scholar The use of acxo in tribute is detailed in “Parecer que dan El Licenciado frai Pedro Gutierrez Flores … y Juan Ramírez Segarra [1568],” “Documentos sobre Chucuito,” Historia y Cultura 4 (1970), p. 43. There were only three men who purchased acxo: one took a basket for the house of a Spanish official; one was named as “el Señor Alonso Sánchez;” and the last was a forastero from Quito, who took two baskets, one purchased on credit and the other for which he exchanged a blue manta.

⁷⁹ “Don Diego Chambilla …,” ANB Minas T. 124 no. 1, 1639.

⁸⁰ Ibid., f. 22.

⁸¹ Two of the most important works that study changes in reciprocity between native Andean leaders and their communities under Spanish colonialism are also foundational works on colonial Andean communities in general. Spalding, Karen, Huarochirí: An Andean Society under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford, 1984)Google Scholar and Stern, Steve J., Peru’s Indian People and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1982).Google Scholar Also see Pease, Franklin, Curacas, reciprocidad y riqueza (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 1992).Google Scholar

⁸² Note that Doña Magdalena de Bibero, the wife of the cacique of Acora, Don Pedro Catacora, remained in the pueblo when he relocated to Potosí as capitán enterador. AHP, EN, T. 118, Barrionuevo.

⁸³ For the case of a wealthy cacique from Chucuito who renounced his office because he claimed the mita left him bankrupt see AGN, Derechos Indianos y Encomiendas, leg. 7, no. 79 (1625).

⁸⁴ “Para que el gobernador de Chucuito informe sobre lo contenido en el memoria aquí insertó y lo démas que aquí se manda a pedimiento de los indios del pueblo de Juli,”1629, BNP, B-463.

⁸⁵ “Expediente de autos seguidos antes la Audiencia de Characas: Alonso de Arrellano contra el exgobernador de la provincia de Chucuito, sobre que los que éste le debe por varios servicios, con la compensación de la quiebra de la mita de los pueblos de Pomata, Yunguyo, Çepita,” 1645–1653, ANB Minas T.144,no. 10, ffs. 1–3.

⁸⁶ “Reclamos i accusaciones de varios caciques de Juli provincia de Chucuito,” 1693, ANB EC 23, ff. 9-9v.