I thank Cínthia da Cunha and Mitchell Veloso– Madison for research assistance, Maria Tavares and Cid Teixcira for sharing their experiences and knowledge, Bcrnd Reiter and Dan Bclgrad for helpful comments on earlier drafts, the editorial staff and the reviewers for The Americas for their comments and suggestions, and the staff of the Fundaçào Pierre Verger and the Biblioteca Pública do Estado da Bahia. The phrase modernizador cultural in the title is a play on the common description of Odorico Tavares as an “incentivador cultural” or one who supports or provides incentive to the development of culture.

1. The city of Salvador, the geographical focus of this article, is also commonly referred to as Bahia.

2. On “fetichismo,” or religious practice based on African cultural traditions, as the reason for the archbishop’s prohibition, sec Diario de Noticias, January 15, 1953; and Estado da Bahia, January 16, 1954. For the cosmologica! associations between the Senhor do Bonfim and Oxalá, sec Serra, Ordcp, Rumores de festa: o sagrado e o profano na Bahia (Salvador: Editora da Universidadc Federal da Bahia [hereafter EDUFBA], 2000), p. 72;Google Scholar and Prandi, Rcginaldo, Mitologia dos orixás (Sîo Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001), pp. 519–522.Google Scholar

3. da Costa Lima, Vivaldo, “O candomblé da Bahia na década de trinta,” in Cartas de Édison Carneiro a Artur Ramos, Lima, Costa and Oliveira, Waldir Freitas, eds. (Sâo Paulo: Corrupio, 1987), pp. 37–73;Google Scholar Capone, Stefania, La. quite de l’Afrique dans le Candomblé : pouvoir et tradition au Brésil (Paris: Karthala, 1999);Google Scholar Parés, Luis Nicolau, “The ‘Nagoization’ Process in Bahian Candomblé,” in The Toruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World, Falcia, Toyin and Childs, Matt, eds. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005), pp. 185–298;Google Scholar Oliveira, , “Os Estudos Africanistas na Bahia dos anos 30,” in Cartas de Édison Carneiro a Artur Ramos, Lima, and Oliveira, , eds. (Sao Paulo: Corrupio, 1987), pp. 23–35;Google Scholar Dantas, Beatriz Góis, Vovó Nagô e Rapai Branco: usos e abusos da África no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1988), pp. 161–201;Google Scholar Liihning, Angela, ‘“;Acabe com este santo, Pedrito vem ai . . .’: mito e realidade da perseguiçâo policial ao Candomblé baiano entre 1920 e 1942, Revista USP 28 (December–February 1995–1996), pp. 194–220;Google Scholar Braga, Julio Santana, Na gamela do feitiço: repressâo e resistencia nos Candomblés da Bahia (Salvador: EDUFBA, 1996);Google Scholar Butler, Kim, Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won: Afro–Brazilians in Post-Abolition Sâo Paulo and Salvador (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998), chapt. 6;Google Scholar Butler, , “Afterword: Ginga Batana, The Politics of Race, Class, Culture, and Power in Salvador, Bahia,” in Afro-Brazilian Culture and Politics: Bahia, 1790s to 1990s, Kraay, Hcndrick, ed. (London: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), pp. 158–175;Google Scholar Ickcs, Scott, “Salvador’s Transformist Hegemony: Popular Festivals, Cultural Politics and Afro-Bahian Culture in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, 1930–1952,” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 2003);Google Scholar Matory, James Lorand, Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, TransnaHonalism, and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005);Google Scholar Castillo, Lisa Earl, Entre a oralidade e a escrita: a etnografìa nos Candomblés da Bahia (Salvador: EDUFBA, 2008), pp. 101–144;Google Scholar Sansi-Roca, Roger, Fetishes and Monuments: Afro-Brazilian Art and Culture in the Twentieth Century (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), pp. 51–141;Google Scholar and Romo, Anadclia, Brazil’s Living Museum: Race, Reform, and Tradition in Bahia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), pp. 86–107.Google Scholar

4. Romo, , Brazil’s Living Muséum, pp. 89, 107–112.Google Scholar

5. The work of Jocélio Teles dos Santos on the 1950s and 1960s inadvertently reveals that Tavares was at the forefront of a shift toward increasingly less negative, content (such as implying associations with crime or public disorder) and more positive content (such as emphasizing cultural complexity or interest to tourists) in newspaper articles on Candomblé. Tavares most likely influenced this trend, given that he was the editor of a newspaper that accounted for half of Santos’s sample. See Santos, , O poder da cultura e a cultura no poder: disputa simbólica da herança cultural negra no Brasil (Salvador: EDUFBA, 2005), pp. 57–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Among the few studies of Bahia in the 1940s and 1950s, the work of Romo, Sansi–Roca, and Ludwig establishes the early periodization of cultural modernization in Bahia, but none of these explore Tavares’s written contribution to this process. See Romo, , Brazil’s Living Museum; Sansi-Roca, Fetishes and Monuments; and Selma Ludwig, “Mudanças na vida cultural de Salvador: 1950 a 1970” (Tese de Mestrado, UFBA, 1982).Google Scholar Antonio Risério discusses the contributions in the 1950s of “the vanguard” of artists, musicians, scholars, and filmmakers who created a distinct “cultural personality” in Salvador but has little to say about Tavares. See Risério, , Avant–garde na Bahia (Sao Paulo: Instituto Lina Bo e P. M. Bardi, 1995)Google Scholar. See also Barbosa, Juciara Maria Nogueira, “Descompasso: como e porque o modernismo tardou a chegar na Bahia,” paper presented at Encontró de Estudos Multidisciplinares em Cultura, Salvador, Bahia, May 2009, (accessed August 25,2012).Google Scholar The relative absence of Tavares in the literature is perhaps due to the fact that his papers have not yet been made available to the public.

1. On discourses on race and culture in Salvador since 1955, see Alberto, Paulina, Terms of Inclusion: Black Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century Brazil (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Santos, , O poder da cultura; Jeferson Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças: negros e brancos em Salvador (Rio de Janeiro: Pallas, 2001);Google Scholar Capone, Stefania, La quête de l’Afrique; Antonio Risério, Carnaval Ijcxá (Salvador: Corrupio, 1981);Google Scholar Agier, Michel, Anthropologie du Carnaval: la ville, lafìte et l’Afrique à Bahia (Marseille: Par-enthèses, 2000);Google Scholar and de Santana Pinho, Patricia, Mama Africa: Reinventing Blackness in Bahia (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. For Tavares’s early poems, see his Poesías (Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio, 1945).

9. Modernism in Brazil was a heterogeneous movement that supported a range of political projects. See Williams, Daryle, Culture Wars in Brazil: The First Vargas Regime, 1930–1945 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001), pp. 39–47, 79–82;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Vianna, Hermano, The Mystery of Samba: Popular Music & National Identity in Brazil (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999);Google Scholar McCann, Bryan, Hello, Hello Rrazil: Popular Music in the Making of Modern Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Micell, Sergio, Intelectual! e classe dirigente no Brasil, ¡920–1945 (Sîo Paulo: DIFEL, 1979), p. 159;Google Scholar Martins, Wilson, The Modernist Idea: A Critical Survey of Brazilian Writing in the Twentieth Century (New York: New York University Press, 1971);Google Scholar Travassos, Elizabeth, Modernismo e música brasileira (Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, Jorge Ed., 2000);Google Scholar and Amarai, Aracy, Blaise Cendrars no Brasil e os modernistas (Sìo Paulo: Fundaçio de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Sâo Paulo: Editera 34, 1997).Google Scholar Cultural and racial inclusivity was of course also increasingly prominent in the social sciences in Brazil from the 1930s, most prominently in the work of Gilberto Frcyrc, Arthur Ramos, and Roger Bastide. See Burke, Peter and Pallarcs-Burkc, Maria Lucia, Gilberto Freyre: Social Theory in the Tropics (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2008), pp. 181–185;Google Scholar Dantas, , Vovó nagó,pp. 145–182;Google Scholar Campos, Maria José, Arthur Ramos, luz e sombra na antropologia brasileira: uma versâo da democracia racial no Brasil nos décadas de 1930 e 1940 (Rio de Janeiro: Ediçôes Biblioteca Nacional, 2004);Google Scholar and Guimarics, Antonio Sérgio Alfredo, Classes, raças e democracia (Sào Paulo: Ed. 34, 2002), pp. 137–146.Google Scholar

10. Barbosa, “Descompasso.” Sec also Alvcs, ívia, Areo ύτ flexa: contribuiçào para o estuilo do modernismo (Salvador: Fundaçao Cultural do Estado da Bahia [hereafter FUNCEB], 1978);Google Scholar and Gomes, Joâo Carlos Tcix–cira, “Prcscnca do modernismo na Bahia,” in Gomes, Garnies contestador e outras ensaios (Salvador: FUNCEB, 1979).Google Scholar

11. For the influence of this moment on the popularity of “racial democracy” in Brazil, see Alberto, , Terms of Inclusion, pp. 151–152;Google Scholar and for the moment in general, see Bcthcll, Leslie and Ian Roxborough, Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, ¡944–1948 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

12. Wcinstcin, Barbara, “Racializing Regional Difference: Sâo Paulo vs. Brazil, 1932,” in Race and Nation in Modern Latin America, Appclbaum, Nancy, Macphcrson, Anne, and Roscmblatt, Karin, eds. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), p. 240;Google Scholar Blake, Stanley, Vigorous Core of Our Nationality: Race and Regional Identity in Northeastern Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011), p. 221;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Oliven, Ruben George, Tradition Matters: Modern Gaucho Identity in Brazil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 82–88.Google Scholar

13. Schelling, Vivian, “Introduction: Reflections on the Experience of Modernity in Latin America,” in Tlirotigh the Kaleidoscope: The Experience of Modernity in Latin America, Schelling, Vivian, ed. (London: Verso, 2001), p. 12, Schelling’s italics.Google Scholar

14. On the developmcntalist paradigm in Bahia after 1955, see Romo, , Brazil’s Living Museum, pp. 152–157, 243; and Programa de recuperaçâo econòmica da Bahia (Salvador: Edicòcs da Comissâo de Plancja-mcnto Econòmico, 1958).Google Scholar For conservative modernization in Bahia after 1955, see de Oliveira, Francisco, O elo perdido: classe e identidade de classe (Sâo Paulo: Editora Brasiliensc, 1987);Google Scholar Jclin, Elizabeth, “Formas de organizaçâo da atividade econòmica e estrutura ocupacional,” Estados CEBRAP 9 (July 1974);Google Scholar Vianna, Angela Ramalho, de Souza, Guaraci Adeodato Alvcs, and Faria, Vilmar, Bahia de todos os pobres (Vcvropalis: Editora Vozcs, 1980);Google Scholar Neto, Paulo Fábio Dantas, Tradiçâo, autocracia e carisma: a política de Antonio Carlos Magalhâes na modernizaçâo da Bahia, 1954-1974(Belo Horizonte; Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFMG; Instituto Univcrsitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro, 2006);Google Scholar and Risério, Antonio, Urna historia da cidade da Bahia (Rio de Janeiro: Versai, 2004), pp. 512–593.Google Scholar

15. García-Candini, Nestor, Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), p. 46.Google Scholar

16. López, Rick Anthony, Crafting Mexico: Intellectuals, Artisans, and the State after the Revolution (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2010), pp. 14–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. In 1933, at age 21, Tavares co–founded the literary magazine Momento with Aderbai Jurcma, with whom he also published. See Nascimento, Luiz do, Historia da imprensa de Fernambuco, 1821–1954: periódicos do Recife, 1931–1940, Vol. 9 (Recife: Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Editora Universitaria, 1986), p. 76.Google Scholar Shortly thereafter, in 1934, Tavares and Jurema also published Vinte e seis poemas. Mario de Andradc thought it a “beautiful book,” although less for the aesthetics of the poetry than for its youthful zest for life. See de Andrade, Mario, “Momento Pernambucano 1934 [1942],” in Andrade, Os filhos da Candinha (Rio de Janeiro: Agir Editora, 2008), pp. 155–156.Google Scholar

18. Tavares contributed to A Nossa Revista, O Jacaré, Movimento, Universidade, and Pernambuco. Sec Nascimento, Historia.

19. Tavares, Odorico and Araujo, Emanoel, Odorico Tavares: a mìnha casa batana: sonhos e desejos de um colecionador (Sìo Paulo: Imprensa Oficial do Estado, 2005), p. 291;Google Scholar Santana, Jussilene, “Odorico Tavares: o mago das letras,” Memórias da Bahia II, Universidade Católica do Salvador, Vol. 11 (November 9, 2003), p. 9.Google Scholar

20. Santana suggests that it was Tavares who convinced Chateaubriand to purchase the Diàrio de Noticias. See Santana, “Odorico,” p. 15. The third major newspaper was the more conservative A Tarde. Two minor newspapers during this period were the Diàrio da Babia and the communist O Momento.

21. This analysis of Salvador’s popular festivals is part of my forthcoming book on the acceptance of African Bahian culture in Salvador, after 1930, African–Brazilian Culture and Regional Identity in Bahia, Brazil (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2013).Google Scholar For the importance of public ritual practice in shaping community values and the differential power of individuals and institutions to shape the meanings of such rituals, see Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973);Google Scholar Abrahams, Roger, “The Language of Festivals: Celebrating the Economy,” in Celebration: Studies in Festivity and Ritual, Turner, Victor, ed. (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1982), pp. 161–177;Google Scholar Bauman, Richard, “Performance and Honor in 13th–Century Iceland,” Journal of American Folklore 99 (1986), pp. 131–150;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Turner, Victor, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1962);Google Scholar da Matta, Roberto, Carnivals, Rogues, and Heroes: An Interpretation of the Brazilian Dilemma (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991);Google Scholar and Burke, Peter, “Performing History: The Importance of Occasions,” Rethinking History 9:1 (2005), pp. 35–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22. Lima, “Candomblé,” p. 53; Vinicius Clay, “O Negro em O Estado da Bahia: de 1936 a 1938” (Tese de Mestrado, UFBA, 2006). In 1936, the Estado da Bahia gave the young scholar Edison Carneiro a forum for making his case that African Bahian cultural expressions were valid and praiseworthy, challenging the longstanding media tradition of treating such expressions as an obstacle to progress and an embarrassment to Bahian civilization. After Carneiro relocated to Rio in 1939, Tavares continued Carnciro’s cultural work.

23. For the wider shifts, see, among others, Borges, Dain, “The Recognition of” Afro-Brazilian Symbols and Ideas, 1890–1940,” Luso–Brazilian Review 32 (1994), pp. 59–78;Google Scholar and Vianna, The Mystery of Samba.

24. The Diario de Noticias described the relationship between Oxalá and the Senhor do Bonfim as one of “clasped hands” [màos dadas]. See Diario de Noticias, January 15, 1953, and January 6, 15, and 16, 1954.

25. Estado da Bahia, December 3, 1950; Diàrio de Noticias, December 5, 1954. In the Candomblé pantheon, Santa Barbara was associated with Iansà, the temale deity of violent weather and fertility.

26. Diàrio de Noticias, February 1, 1945; February 1 and 2, 1946; February 2, 1949; and February 1 and 3, 1953.

27. Diàrio de Noticias, January 16, 1945; Diàrio de Noticias, January 20, 1948; Estado da Bahia, January 17, 1950; Estado da Bahia, January 18, 1949; and Diàrio de Noticias, January 6, 1954.

28. Matta, , Carnivals, Rogues, and Heroes; Maria Isaura Pereira de Quciroz, Carnaval brasileiro: o vivido e o mito (Sâo Paulo: Editora Brasilicnse, 1992);Google Scholar Ortiz, Renato, A consciincia fragmentada: ensatas de cultura populare religiáo(Ria de Janeiro: Paz c Terra, 1980), pp. 13–27;Google Scholar Stam, Robert, “Carnival, Politics, and Brazilian Culture,” Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 7 (1988), pp. 255–264;Google Scholar Soihet, Raquel, A subversào pelo riso: estudos sobre o carnaval carioca da belle epoque ao tempo de Vargas (Rio de Janeiro: Fundacìo Getúlio Vargas Editora, 1998);Google Scholar and Pereira Cunha, Maria Clementina, Ecos da folia: urna historia social do carnaval carioca entre ¡880 e 1920 (Sâo Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001).Google Scholar

29. Diàrio de Noticias, January 21, 1953.

30. Estado da Bahia, June 18, 1956. For Tavares’s position on the committee that oversaw the events that marked the visit of President Dutra to Bahia in 1948, see U.S. Consul Yearns to Rio de Janeiro, December 1, 1948, RG 84, Classified General Records, Salvador, Box 18, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration II, College Park, Md. Kenneth J. Yearns was then U.S. consul in Rio.

31. Tavares, Odorico, “A Festa do Bonfim de Mestre Carybé,” introduction to Carybé and Tavares, Festa do Bonfim (Salvador: Livraria Progresso Editora, 1955).Google Scholar Festa do Bonfim was part of the Coleçào Rccôn–cavo, and “A Festa do Bonfim de Mestre Carybé” was reprinted in Diàrio de Noticias, October 18,1951. Sec also art critic José Valladares’s review of the work Carybé completed during his fellowship year. Valladares somewhat gratuitously emphasized Carybé’s work ethic, suggesting that Carybé’s bohemian reputation may have been drawing criticism from certain sectors in Salvador. Valladares, “A obra bahiana de Carybé,” Diario de Noticias, January 28, 1951,

32. Tavares, , “Conceiçâo da Praia,” in Carybé and Tavares, Conceiçâo da Praia (Salvador: Livraria Progresso Editora, 1955).Google Scholar

33. Tavares and Pierre Verger, “A cozinha da Bahia,” O Cruzeiro, December 2,1950. Tavares also mentioned Maria de Sâo Pedro in “Conceiçâo da Praia.” See also Brandâo, Darwin, Motta e Silva, and Carlos Bastos, Cidade de Salvador: caminho do encantamento (Sîo Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1958), pp. 154–157.Google Scholar On the presence of Welles and Neruda, and Tavares’s role as guide, see Tavares, and Araujo, , Odorico Tavares, p. 17.Google Scholar

34. Although Teixeira supported modernism in the arts in Bahia in various ways, he shared neither Tavares’s respect nor his inclusive attitude toward African Bahian culture when it came to education reform. Romo emphasizes that Teixeira saw education as an instrument of cultural assimilation for African Bahians. Romo, , Brazil’s Living Museum, pp. 138–141.Google Scholar

35. Schelling, introduction to “Reflections on the Experience of Modernity.”

36. Salles, Heráclio, “Vozes e imagens da Bahia,” Diario de Noticias, November 20, 1955.Google Scholar See also José Valladares’s brief review of the first two pamphlets in “Noticiario,” Diario de Noticias, August 5, 1951. Valladares compared Carybé to Peruvian artist Pancho Fierro, who also left a “respectable documentation” of the folk life of nineteenth–century Peru.

37. Tavares, “ConceiçàO da Praia.”

38. See MacCannell, Dean, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Schockcn Books, 1976), chapt. 5.Google Scholar

39. Estado da Bahia, January 31, 1947.

40. When the Society of the Friends of the City was convened in early 1953, Odorico Tavares was listed as a member alongside other prominent politicians and citizens. The aim of the society was “to safeguard the historical, cultural and artistic patrimony of the city[,] . . . promoting tourism . . . and fighting for the social well–being of the people.” Diàrio de Noticias, January 14, 1953.

41. Santos, , O poder da cultura, pp. 77–128.Google Scholar

42. Likewise, in 1953, an editorial argued against the municipal government’s restrictions on street vending. The editorial argued that because such restrictions threatened to limit the public presence of Bahi–ana food sellers, they would wipe out traditions that attracted tourists to the city. Sec Diario de Noticias, January 21, 1953.

43. Diario de Noticias, January 16, 1953.

44. Estado da Bahia, December 31, 1955.

45. Netto, Accioly and Scixas, Heloisa, O impèrio de papel: os bastidores de O Cruzeiro (Porto Alegre: Editora Sulina, 1998), p. 123,Google Scholar cited in Ramos, Julia Capovilla Luz and Marocco, Beatriz, “Pierre Verger e a constructao da memòria cultural afro-brasileira cm O Cruzeiro: sentidos textuais através das fronteiras,” Londrina 6:9 (2010), p. 155.Google Scholar The cover price of O Cruzeiro in 1948 was three cruzeiros; in 1951 it was four cruzeiros.

46. See, for example, Tavares, and Verger, , “O Ciclo do Bonfim,” O Cruzeiro, March 22, 1947, p. 58.Google Scholar

47. Ibid., p. 60.

48. Tavares, and Verger, , “Decadencia e morte da Lavagem do Bonfim,” O Cruzeiro, June 23, 1951, p. 104.Google Scholar

49. Ibid.

50. Ibid.

51. Tavares, and Verger, , “Gibào e chapéu de couro para Getúlio,” O Cruzeiro, July 26, 1952,Google Scholar quoted in Viana Lyra, Maria de Lourdes, “Guimarïes Rosa: uma rcflexSo sobre a questâo da identidade nacional,” Revista de Letras 1–2:28 (2006), p. 145.Google Scholar See also “Visita a Bahia o Presidente Vargas,” O Tempo (August/September/October 1952).

52. Tavares, and Verger, , “Reino de Ycmanjá,” O Cruzeiro, April 26, 1947.Google Scholar

53. Tavares, and Verger, , “Rafael, o pintor,” O Cruzeiro, January 6, 1951, p. 64.Google Scholar

54. Tavares and Verger, “Ciclo do Bonfim,” p. 58.

55. Ibid., p. 78.

56. Guimaríes, , Classes, raças e democracia, pp. 137–146.Google Scholar See also Alberto, , Terms of Inclusion, pp. 178–181,Google Scholar for her emphasis on the “emancipatory” qualities of the notion of racial democracy.

57. Estaio da Bahia, September 27, 1948, and September 27, 1952; Diàrio de Noticias, September 27, 1953.

58. Tavares, and Verger, , “Cosme e Damiào: os santos mabaças,” O Cruzeiro, November 18, 1950.Google Scholar

59. Ventura, Roberto, “Um sertào nào–euclidiano,” Foiba de Sâo Paulo, “mais!” June 10, 2001.Google Scholar

60. Tavares, and Verger, , “Mataripe,” O Cruzeiro, November 25,1950;Google Scholar Tavares, Odorico, “A Virgcm das Candeias,” in Tavares, Bahia: imagens da terra e do popò, 3rd ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Civilizaçïo Brasilcira, 1961), pp. 225–234.Google Scholar

61. It is not clear whether Verger was the senior figure in these enterprises who asked Tavares to write particular texts, as Cláudia Pòssa suggests, or if Tavares chose his own subject matter. See Cláudia Pòssa, “O repórter Pierre Verger,” paper given at XXXII Congresso Brasileiro de Ciencias da Comunicaçâo, Curitiba, September 2009, p. 9. Angela Lühning suggests that Tavares influenced the choice of subject matter as much as or more so than Verger, who was just beginning to familiarize himself with Salvador and the Portuguese language. This seems most likely, even if Verger was given control over the choices by the terms of his contract with O Cruzeiro. See Lühning, Angela, Pierre Verger, repórter fotográfico (Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2004), pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

62. Barbosa, Juciara Maria Nogueira, “Imagens de Salvador, por Pierre Verger, na revista O Cruzeiro,” Cadernos do MAV 4:4 (2007), pp. 29–42.Google Scholar

63. Verger also worked with Odorico’s brother, Cláudio Tavares, a writer and journalist in Bahia, on three articles, two for O Cruzeiro and one for A Cigarra, a popular illustrated monthly magazine in Brazil that was also owned by the Diários Associados media group. The two articles for O Cruzeiro were about capoeira and the afoxcs (the Carnival institutions of the tcrrciros of Candomblé). The article for A Cigarra discussed samba in Salvador. Each of these cultural practices was deeply associated with African Bahians and the Candomblé community. Odorico gave Cláudio space in his newspapers to publish the three articles. Thus, Cláudio’s contributions were an example of Odorico Tavares’s influence on the emerging vision of Bahian modernization as inclusive of African Bahian culture.

64. Tavares, Odorico, Bahia: imagcns da terra e do povo (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio Editora, 1951).Google Scholar

65. do Amarai Lapa, José Roberto, “Bahia,” Correio Paulistano, September 3,1961;Google Scholar No author, “O que é que a Bahia tem,” Correio Paulistano, September 15, 1961. See also A Tarde, December 17, 1961, which mentioned the award and reprinted Tavares’s text “A Lagoa de Abaeté” alongside designs by Carybé.

66. Rocha, Carlos Eduardo da, “Odorico Tavares: inccntivador cultural,” in Tavares and Araujo, Odorico Tavares: a minila casa baiano, pp. 143–149.Google Scholar

67. For Tavares’s art collection, see Tavares, and Araujo, , Odorico Tavares; Sansi–Roca, Fetishes and Monuments, pp. 127–128;Google Scholar and “Entrevista: Juarez Paraíso,” Revista da Bahia 40 (April 2005) .

68. Scaldaferri, Sante, Os primordios da arte moderna na Bahia: depoimentos, textos e considerares em torno de José Tertuliano Guimarâes e outras artistas (Salvador: FUNCEB, 1998);Google Scholar Sansi-Roca, , Fetishes and Monuments, pp. 127–134.Google Scholar The U.S. embassy sponsored its first art exhibit in Bahia in 1944; it sponsored several more in the late 1940s.

69. See, for example, José Valladares, “Salâo Baiano,” November 11, 1951, newspaper cutting found in file folder “Recortes Literários,” Fundaçâo Pierre Verger, Salvador da Bahia.

70. Bastos, Carlos, Carlos Bastos (Salvador: C. Bastos, 2000), p. 40.Google Scholar

71. The Salon Bahiano of 1954 showcased approximately 90 pieces of art. See Valladares, José, Artes maiores e menores: seleçào de crónicas de arte 1951–1956 (Bahia: University of Bahia, 1957),Google Scholar quoted in Midlcj, Dilson Rodrigues, “Adam Firnckacs e Juarez Paraíso: duas faces da abstracto na Bahia,” Revista de Arte Ohun 2 (2005), p. 141, n. 32.Google Scholar

72. Valladares, José, Dominicais: seleçào de crónicas de arte, 1948–1950 (Salvador: Artes Gráficas, 1948–1950).Google Scholar

73. Tavares, and Verger, , “Rcvoluçïo na Bahia,” O Cruzeiro, July 7, 1951.Google Scholar See also Tavares, and Verger, , “Pancctti e os mares da Bahia,” O Cruzeiro, November 11, 1950.Google Scholar

74. Araujo, Emanocl, “Tavares,” in Tavares and Araujo, Odorico Tavares: a minha casa batana, p. 20 and following.Google Scholar Willys and Joâo Alves both showed work in 1957 in the Artists from Bahia exhibit at the Modern Art Museum in Sâo Paulo.

75. Estado da Bahia, December 4,1949; Valladares, José, “Belas artes na Bahia de hoje,” in [no author] Álbum comemorativo da cidade de Salvador (Sâo Paulo: Habitat Editora Ltd., 1954).Google Scholar

76. Ludwig, , “Mudanças na vida cultural de Salvador,” p. 15, n. 13.Google Scholar

77. Tavares’s interest in primitive art and art of the terreiros in the early 1950s coincided with an intensification of the folklore movement in Brazil and Bahia, although the folcloristas were more rigorous in their study of cultural phenomena, even thinking of their methods as scientific. The folcloristas were also much less interested in urban culture and mostly steered clear of African Bahian culture and Candomblé, except for a few notable exceptions such as Antonio Monteiro and Cláudio Tavares, whose two pieces for O Cruzeiro on capocira and the afoxés had by 1951 been upgraded to “studies” and were among the 12 texts chosen by the Bahian Commission for Folklore to present at the First Brazilian National Congress of Folklore in 1951. None of the other 10 papers at that event specifically addressed African Bahian culture or any of Salvador’s popular festivals: see A Tarde, April 9, 1951. Although the folcloristas came closest to agreeing with Tavares that popular culture was part of the very essence of the Brazilian nation, embracing that culture was for Tavares part of a wider project of socioeconomic transformation. In contrast, the folcloristas sought to preserve popular culture and protect it from the homogenizing processes of modernization. For more on this populist versus romanticist division among analysts of popular culture in the 1950s, see Velloso, Monica Pimenta, “A dupla face de Jano: romantismo e populismo,” in O Brasil de JK, Gomes, Angela de Castro and Velloso, Monica Pimenta, eds. (Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2002), pp. 171–199,Google Scholar discussed in Marlise Regina Meyrer, “Representares do desenvolvimento nas fotorreportagens da revista O Cruzeiro (1955–1957),” paper presented at III Encontró Nacional de Estudos da Imagcm, Londrina, Brazil, May 2011. Tavares was much more outspoken than most local folcloristas about the possibilities of exploiting folklore in order to attract tourists. In this he was in keeping with a faction of intellectuals within the wider national effort of the Brazilian folklore movement to make their object of study more relevant. See Nunes, Osório, “Folclore aplicado ao turismo,” Diario de Noticias, August 28, 1951;Google Scholar and de Moraes, Ribeiro, “Festejos populares, como atraçào turística,” A Tribuna, Sao Paulo, April 22, 1956.Google Scholar

78. Scaldafcrri, Os primordios. According to Màrcio Santos Lima, Scaldafcrri stated unequivocally that Tavares was “the biggest supporter” of Joio Alvcs, a poor African Bahian primitivist painter who was self–taught. See Lima, Màrcio Santos, “A arte primitivista de Joîo Alvcs e o modernismo baiano,” Revista de Arte Ohun 6, p. 18.Google Scholar See also Sansi-Roca, , Fetishes and Monuments, pp. 156–157.Google Scholar

79. Tavares and Verger, “Rafael, o pintor.”

80. Amado, Jorge, “Prefacio,” in Tavares, Discurso de um cidadào do Salvador, e alguns conseillas para conheccr a Bahia (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Civilizaçâo Brasileira, 1961 ), pp. 14–20,Google Scholar quoted material on p. 18. The print edition of the acceptance speech was illustrated by Carybé. Its tide translates as “Speech of a Citizen of Salvador, and Some Advice for Getting to Know Bahia.” Tavares was soil actively shaping the discourse on Bahianncss for both Banians and outsiders.

81. Schelling, introduction to Reflections on the Experience of Modernity, p. 6.

82. García-Canclini, , Hybrid Cultures, pp. 54–58;Google Scholar Ortiz, Renato, “Legitimacy and Life-Styles,” Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 5:2 (1996), pp. 155–173.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

83. Risério, , Avant-garde na Bahia; Risério, Uma história da cidade da Bahia, pp. 530–531.Google Scholar