¹ Pertinent to the Albuquerque Coelho Family are the series of articles by Dutra, Francis A., “Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginning of a Dynasty,” The Americas, vol. 37 (April, 1973), 415–441 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Notas sôbre a vida e morte de Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho e a tutela de seus filhos,” Stvdia, no. 37 (Dee, 1973), 261–286; “Centralization vs. Donatarial Privilege: Pernambuco, 1602–1630,” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil: Papers of the Newberry Library Conference, Dauril Alden, ed. (Berkeley, 1973), 19–60; “Matías de Albuquerque and the Defense of Northeastern Brazil, 1620–1626,” Stvdia, no. 36 (July, 1973), 117–166; and the first volume of a projected three volume biography on Albuquerque has recently appeared, Dutra, Francis A., Matias de Albuquerque: Capitão-mor de Pernambuco e Governador-geral do Brasil (Recife, 1976).Google Scholar It is also found in the Revista do Instituto Arqueológico, Histórico, e Geográfico Pernambuco, vol. 48 ( 1976). Vital to the study of this family are the letters of Duarte Coelho, a critical edition of which has been published as Cartas de Duarte Coelho a El Rei, José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello and Cleonir Xavier de Albuquerque (Recife, 1967). An excellent narrative on the Brazilian years of the first lord-proprietor is Costa Porto, Duarte Coelho (Rio de Janeiro, 1961). Finally, Boxer, C. R. has dealt with “Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho” in Anais da Academia Portuguesa de História, II series, vol. 15, 135–147,Google Scholar as well as in his article “Jorge d’Albuquerque Coelho: A Lusa-Brazilian Hero of the Sea,” Luso-Brazilian Review, vol. 6 (June, 1969), 3–17.

² The elder João Pais Barreto was evidently known to his contemporaries as João Pais and was addressed so by the crown as late as 1604, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon (henceforth cited as ANTT), Chancelarias de Filipe II, Privilégios, livro 1, fol. 74. However, in 1635 the crown responded to a petition of Cristóvão Pais Barreto in which he was referred to as the son of João Pais Barreto, ANTT, Chancelarias de Filipe III, Doações, livro 40, fol. 20. Velho was added sometime later, possibly by genealogist Borges da Fonseca, Antônio José, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana (Rio de Janeiro, 1935), 2, 26,Google Scholar in his eighteenth-century manuscript, in order to distinguish the founder of the family from a plethora of namesake descendants. It should be noted that Borges da Fonseca never completed his manuscript.

Two works, Barreto, Carlos Xavier Paes, Os Primativos Colonizadores Nordestinos e seus Descendentes (Rio de Janeiro, 1956)Google Scholar and Felipe, Israel, História do Cabo, (Recife, 1962),Google Scholar devote a substantial number of pages to the Pais Barretos. Neither author had access to the Portuguese archives, and as such inevitably incorporated the errors of their sources in their own works.

³ da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2, 26.Google Scholar Also given are the names of the male ancestry to the fifth generation and the name of João Pais’ mother, Mariana Pereira da Silva.

⁴ The Vianense were, in the words of Fernão Cardim, S.J., “The lords of Pernambuco, and when a Viannese is involved in any brawl, instead of shouting ‘Help here for the King,’ they shout, ‘Help here for Vianna.’” Quoted in Boxer, C. R., The Dutch in Brazil, 1624–1654 (New York, 1957), pp. 34–35.Google Scholar

⁵ da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2, 495.Google Scholar João Pais’ age is established from his testimony in support of Bento Teixeira, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Bento Teixeira, artigos 10–12.

⁶ Documentos para a História do Açúcar (Rio de Janeiro, 1954), I, xv. I take this reference to be to a report of Thomas Turner which is found in Purchas, Samuel, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by Englishmen and Others (Glasgow, 1906), 16, 291.Google Scholar

⁷ ANTT, Genealógicos Manuscritos, Mesa cens, general, maço no. 331. Some coeval church records exist. ANTT, Livros e documentos de Vianna do Castelo, indexes a number of documents pertaining to genealogical matters.

⁸ Petition of Cristóvão Pais, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon (henceforth cited as AHU), Papeis Avulsos ( 1590–1697), caixa 1, Pernambuco. The petition concerns one of the many disputes over the contract for brazilwood. The noted Pernambucan historian José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello has prepared a typewritten index to material on Brazil which exists at the archive.

⁹ do Salvador, Frei Vicente, História do Brasil, 1500–1627, 6th ed. (São Paulo, 1975), p. 171.Google Scholar Further confirmation of his Vianense ancestry is found in Cardoso, George, Agiologio Lvsitano dos Sanaos, e Varones Illvstres em Virtvde do Reino de Portvgal e Svas Conqvistas (Lisbon, 1666), 3, 348–349.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Frei Vicente did not date the war, but it is clearly ca. 1570. I have taken the date from Pereira da Costa, Francisco Augusto, Anais Pernambucanos (Recife, 1951–1966), 1, 398.Google Scholar Pereira da Costa has not, as in other cases, given a date for the sesmária.

¹¹ da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 1, 495 Google Scholar; da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 149.Google Scholar

¹² Petition of Cristóvão Pais, AHU, Papeis Avulsos, caixa 1.

¹³ Monteiro, Padre Jácome, “Relação da Provincia do Brazil, 1610,” in Leite, Serafini S.J., História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1949), 8, 405.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Vicente, Frei, História, p. 172.Google Scholar

¹⁵ de Albuquerque Coelho, Duarte, Memórias Diárias da Guerra do Brasil, 1630–1638, Mendes, Durval, trans. (Recife, 1944), p. 203.Google Scholar

¹⁶ der Dussen, Adriaen van, Relatório Sôbre as Capitanías Conquistadas pelos Holandeses (1639), Gonsalves de Mello, José Antônio, trans. (Rio de Janeiro, 1947).Google Scholar The value of this work is enhanced by the translator’s extensive notes and comments.

¹⁷ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 488–499, and 573.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Felipe, , História do Cabo, p. 151.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Purchas, , Pilgrimes, 16, 291.Google Scholar

²⁰ Mauro, Frédéric, Le Portugal et l’Atlantique au XVIle Siècle (1570–1607) Étude Économique (Paris, 1960), pp. 236–239 and 241–246.Google Scholar

²¹ For Abreu, e Brito’s, report see Um Inquerito à Vida Administrativa e Economica de Angola e do Brasil em Fins do Século XVI, de Albuquerque Felner, Alfredo, ed. (Coimbra, 1931), p. 57 Google Scholar; for the Jesuit’s report, Cardim, Fernão S.J., Tratados da Terra e Gente do Brasil, Caetano, Baptista, de Abreu, Capistrano, and Garcia, Rodolfo, eds., 2nd ed. (São Paulo, 1938), p. 295 Google Scholar; and Brandão, Ambrósio Fernandes, Diálogos das Grandezas do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1943), p. 143.Google Scholar Brandão includes Paraíba and Itamaracá in his figure.

²² de Magalhães Gandavo, Pero, Tratado da Terra do Brasil; and História do Provincia da Santa Cruz (Rio de Janeiro, 1924), p. 27.Google Scholar

²³ Brandão, , Diálogos, p. 152.Google Scholar

²⁴ The observers, the year, and the number were: Cardim. 1584, 66; Padre José de Anchieta, 1584, 60; Gabriel Soares, 1587, 50; Lopez Vaz, ca. 1587, 70. Perhaps the most accessible location for the first three figures is in Buescu, Mircea, História Econômica do Brasil; Pesquisas e Analises (Rio de Janeiro, 1970), p. 66,Google Scholar which offers some excellent comments on sugar production. The Lopez Vas figure is from Hakluyt, Richard, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffique & Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow, 1904) 11, 249–250.Google Scholar

²⁵ In the case of the divisor for the 1591 production I find the argument of Buescu persuasive, and while I have also tried to take into account the Lopez Vaz figures, I do not find that they offer anything but confirmation of Buescu’s analysis in História Econômica, p. 62–67. As Brandão included the production of Paraíba and Itamaracá in his figure, I have, of course, included the number of engenhos in these captaincies in the devisors, 138 and 121.

²⁶ These production figures are from “Breve discurso sôbre o estado dos quatro capitanias conquistadas, de Pernambuco, Itamaracá, Parahyba, e Rio Grande situtados na parte septentrional do Brasil,” Revistado Instituto Arqueológico e Geográfico, no. 34 (Recife, 1887), 129–196.1 have not seen this work, but the pertinent figures have been appended by editor and translator Gonsalves de Mello to Dussen’s Relatório, in addition to other pertinent materials on sugar mills in Dutch Brazil. Gonsalves de Mello has also noted that Engenho Arobo is a misnomer for Engenho Novo.

²⁷ Dussen, , Relatório, pp. 31–69.Google Scholar

²⁸ One example will suffice to illustrate the difficulty in quantifying the tarefa. Dussen, Relatório, p. 93, cites the daily capacity of an oxen mill as twenty-five to thirty-five cartloads of cane and that of a water-driven mill at forty to fifty cartloads per day. Obviously there is a tremendous variation in the size of the tarefa, and we can only hope that the carts were of standard size.

²⁹ Dussen, , Relatório, pp. 31–69.Google Scholar

³⁰ João Pais’ wealth was actually a bit of a legend even during his life time. The report of Thomas Turner; Purchas, , Pilgrimes, 16, 291 Google Scholar; reflects among other overstatements, an exaggerated estimate of João Pais’ wealth.

“Out of Angola is said to bee yeerly shipped eight and twenty thousand slaves and there was a Rebellion of slaves against their Masters, tenne thousand making a head and barracadoing themselves, but the Portugais and Indians chased, and one or two thousand reduced. One thousand belonged to one man, who is said to have tenne thousand slaves, Eighteene Ingenios, &c. his name is John de Paüs, exiled out of Portugall, and heere prospering to this incredibilitie of wealth.”

³¹ Cardim, Fernão, Tratados, p. 295.Google Scholar Monteiro, , “Relação” in Leite, , História da Companhia, 8. 405.Google Scholar

³² ANTT. Chancelarias de Filipe II, Perdões e Legitimações, livro 42. fol. 185.1 have elected not to make comparisons in current dollars. Aside from the fact that such comparisons rest on educated guesses, inflation would soon make a dollar figure meaningless.

³³ Without trying to be comprehensive, the family engenhos (exclusive of those owned by the first João Pais) probably included, Ilhetas, Novo, Nossa Senhora da Guia, Algodoeiros, Benfica and São João.

³⁴ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 605.Google Scholar

³⁵ Schott, Willem, “Corte Relaes ende sommierlyck descriptie van de landen Steden ende fortressen van Brasil,” as cited by editor de Mello, Gonsalves in Dussen, , Relatório, p. 36.Google Scholar

³⁶ Gandavo, , Tratado and História, pp. 29&98.Google Scholar Gandavo’s circa 1570 accounts are supported by Brandão, , Diálogos, p. 46,Google Scholar which lists cotton, brazilwood and sugar as the chief exports.

³⁷ Dussen, , Relatório, p. 93.Google Scholar If this note indicates that the cultivation of cotton had ceased by the Dutch invasion, it still shows that knowledge of the crop was recent enough to inspire confidence in the prospect of its cultivation.

³⁸ Primeira Visitacão do Santo Officio as Partes do Brasil: Denunciacões de Pernambuco, 1593–1595, Paulo Prado, ed. (São Paulo, 1929); and Primeira Visitacão do Santo Oficio as Partes do Brasil: Confissões de Pernambuco, 1594–1595, José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello, ed. (Recife, 1970). Gonsalves de Mello notes that there may have been two João Pais. While I cannot dismiss the possibility, I have encountered nothing which would indicate that such is true. Moreover, concerning the two individuals possibly associated with another João Pais, one has given a geographical identifier that increases the likelyhood of his being properly identified with my subject and not some other João Pais..

From the number of vaqueiros reported in the inquisition documents, I infer that João Pais was substantially commmitted to cattle raising. This inference is supported by the report of Anthony Knivet; Purchas, Pilgrimes, XVI, 277; who said (in an advice to navigators in 1601) that ships could take stores and water in the mouth of a river some eight leagues south of Porto Caino. He reported that the six or seven Portuguese there, who kept cattle for João Pais, would not be strong enough to resist the ship’s landing party.

³⁹ “Estromento de fianssa…” April 4, 1602, AHU, Papeis Avulsos (1590–1697), caixa 1. According to Felipe, , História do Cabo, p. 152,Google Scholar Espirito Santo was the name given in dedication of Engenho Garapú. The names of the other engenhos used for security are not given although Cosmo Rodrigues owned Engenho Nossa Senhora da Guia in Jabotão, , Dussen, , Relatório, p. 38.Google Scholar Antônio Bezerra was the fiador who made the smallest bond (10,000 cruzados) and who apparently did not use an engenho as security. There is a substantial amount of material relating to the merchant, Gaspar Fernandes Anjo.

⁴⁰ Letter of Pedro Cadena to… (unknown), AHU, Papeis Avulsos (1590–1697), Caixa 1.

⁴¹ Vicente, Frei, História do Brasil, p. 172.Google Scholar The date of João Pais’ marriage to Inez Guardez de Andrada is unknown, and can only be placed prior to October 28, 1580, which is the date the Morgado Nossa Senhora da Madre de Deus was instituted in favor of their first born, João Pais Barreto. See da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 2, 376.Google Scholar

⁴² Dussen, , Relatório, p. 58 Google Scholar; da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pemambucano, 2, 27, 29,37,38, & 218.Google Scholar ANTT, Chancelarias de Filipe II, Perdões, Livro42, fol. 185. Dona Catarinas family, while not the best connected of the in-laws of João Pais, had arrived. Borges da Fonseca describes her as, “… Filha de Miguel Fernandes Tavora, natural de Lisboa e de sua mulher Margarida Alves de Castro, senhora dos engenhos da Conceição e São Paulo de Sibiro da freguesia de Ipojuca, em cuja Igreja foram padroeiros da capella de Senhor Cruxificado, que fica da parte de Epistola, onde jazem, e no alto do arco della se veem gravadas as suas armas.”

⁴³ ANTT, Chancelarias da Ordem de Cristo, Livro 34, fol. 86 and Livro 36, fol. 34.

⁴⁴ ANTT, Chancelarias da Ordem de Cristo, Livro 36, fol. 113 for the knighthood. (Also included with the knighthood was the promise of a comenda of 100 milreis, ANTT, Chancelarias de João IV, Doações, Livro 27, fol. 263.) The award by Filipe is found in ANTT, Chancelarias de Filipe III, Doações, Livro 40, fol. 20. da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2, 30 Google Scholar describes Margarida’s family as, “…Da casa do Trapiche do Santo Agostinho de Pernambuco.” Moreover, in v. 1, 224, he continues, “Esta familia é muito nobre e antiga em Pernambuco. Teve nella a sua origem em João Gomes de Mello, homen muito nobre, natural da provinça da Beira, o quai passou a esta capitania em a occasião de seu descobrimento e nella casou com Anna de Hollanda, filha de Arnão de Hollanda, natural de Utrech e de Brites Mendes de Vasconcellos—Neta por parte paterna de Henrique de Hollanda, Barão de Rheneoburg e parente muí chegado do Imperador Carlos 5°, e de Margarida Florença irmã do Papa Adriano 6°, e por parte materna de Bernardo Rodrigues, Camareiro-mor do Infante D. Luiz filho de El-Rei D. Manoel e de Joana de Goes de Vasconcellos.”

⁴⁵ da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernabucana, 2, 30.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For the marriage of Filipe, da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2, 31.Google Scholar For the operation of the sugar mill, Verdonck, Adrian, “Dois Relatorios holandeses,” José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello, trans., in Revista do Archivo Publico, no. 6 (1949), 632–680.Google Scholar See also Dussen, , Relatório, p. 35.Google Scholar For measurements and conversion during this time, Mauro, , Portugal et l’Atlantique, p. 57.Google Scholar After 1609, one caixa equaled 450 livre d’Amsterdam. On livre d’Amsterdam equaled 1/28 of an arroba or 0.49409 kg.

⁴⁷ For Dona Brites’ New Christian heritage, ANTT, Habilitações incompletas do Santo Officio, Maço 15.doc. 89 and Maço 29.doc. 29. The Dutch practiced greater toleration of Judaism, partly as a means of consolidating their hold on the colony. For a discussion of Jewish influence in Dutch Brazil see Wiznitzer, Arnold, The Records of the Earliest Jewish Community in the New World (New York, 1954),Google Scholar and Jews in Colonial Brazil (New York, 1960). For the electin of Filipe, Dagelijcksche Notule de 22 e 23 de julho de 1642 as cited by de Mello , Gonsalves in Dussen, , Relatório, p. 102.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Vicente, Frei, História do Brasil, p. 300 Google Scholar; da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2, 33.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ do Loreto Couto, Domingos, “Desagravos do Brasil e glorias de Pernambuco,” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, 24, 141.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Albuquerque, , Memórias Diárias, p. 203 Google Scholar; da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 2, 353,Google Scholar who tells how the tombstone of Catarina Barreto was discovered in 1888 by Dr. Cicero Peregrino da Silva. The inscription under the coat-of-arms of Luis de Sousa Henrigues read, “AQVI IAS D. CATHERINA BARRETO MOLHER QVE FOI E D. LVIS E SOVSA HENRR1QVES PED PELLO AMOR E EUS HV P^e NOSSA EHVA AVEM^a PELLA ALMA E AMBOS.”

⁵¹ A good genealogy of the Sousa family is available (including material which corrects the mistakes found in some Pernambucan genealogies) de Sousa, António Caetano, História de Casa Real Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1747)Google Scholar XII, pt. 2, 928 & 1095.

⁵² Albuquerque, , Memórias Diárias, pp. 23, 186, & 187.Google Scholar Dussen, , Relatório, p. 58,Google Scholar and for the marital status, da Fonseca, Borges, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2. 32.Google Scholar

⁵³ Cardoso, , Agiologio Lvsitano, 3, 354.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Bento Teixeira, unpaginated. See also Denunciações de Pernambuco, p. 161. For the quality of instruction available, da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernam-bucanos, 1, 376 Google Scholar; and Wiznitzer, , Jews in Colonial Brazil, p. 24,Google Scholar for the presence of a girls’ school in Pernambuco as early as 1542. For the suggestion that Teixeira may have taught the Pais Barreto children, Gonsalves de Mello, José Antônio, Tempo do Flamengos (São Paulo, 1947), p. 269.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Bento Teixeira, para. 10 and artigos 10–12. João Pais first signed a petition and later was called and gave favorable testimony.

⁵⁶ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pemambucanos, 2, 376.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ ANTT, Chancelarias de Filipe II, Privilégios, Livro 1, fol. 74. João Pais’ role in the civil government is not clear. There is some reason to think that João Pais was from a very early time so powerful and rich that he could not be ignored, but was viewed as an adversary by the adherents of the long absent donatários. Indeed a full fledged confrontation occurred between the younger João Pais Barreto and the donatário’s family.

In light of this later confrontation and the long absence of the lords-proprietor from the captaincy, isolated incidents such as the sale of Engenho Pirapama to João Pais; da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 376 Google Scholar; by Cristóvão Lins and his wife Adriana de Holanda, and the marriages of the son João and the daughter Catarina to important spouses argues that the Pais Barreto family was aggressively upwardly mobile and would inevitably become involved in a struggle for power in Pernambuco.

⁵⁸ “Summário das armadas que se fizeram e guerras que se deram na conquista do Rip Parahyba,” Revista Trimensal do Instituto Histórico, Geográfico e Ethnográphico do Brasil, vol. 36, pt. 1 (1873), 31–48; Vicente, Frei, História do Brasil, p. 226–232.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Vicente, Frei, História do Brasil, p. 226–232.Google Scholar João Capstrano de Abreu, Capítulos de História Colonial (1500-1800), 4 ed. (Rio de Janeiro, 1954), pp. 123–124. Tradition assigns this exploit to the father and not the son, and lacking any evidence to the contrary I will not depart from it. However, there are some indications I take to show that this trip was made by the son. In Frei Vicente's account, he recorded the earlier exploits as those of João Pais, but this last is credited to João Pais Barreto. I have previously noted that the father was apparently known as João Pais during his life time. Frei Vicente wrote about 1627, after the death of the elder Pais Barreto, and he may have known him as João Pais Barreto, but if so, why wasn't he consistent? Moreover, the other captains on the expedition appear to have been sons and grandsons of the captains who fought with the father in earlier wars. Certainly, at fifty-three João Pais was young enough to have made the voyage, and this is the stickler. As of this writing, the credit goes to the father.

⁶⁰ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 215.Google Scholar This argument is based on Pereira da Costa’s conviction that the Pernambucan Misericórdia was the first in Russell-Wood, Brasil. A. J. R., The Santa Casa da Misericórdia of Bahia, 1550–1773 (Berkeley, 1963), pp. 39–40,Google Scholar recounts sources which debate whether São Vicente or Pernambuco had the first Misericórdia in Brazil. An interesting document concerning the Santa Casa of Pernambuco is found in AHU, Papeis Avulsos (1590–1697), caixa 1. In this petition the brothers of the Santa Casa of Olinda claim to have been providing service for over forty years, but the document is dated 1598. This would seem to extend pride of place to São Vicente.

⁶¹ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 489.Google Scholar In regard to the significance of the 1,000 cruzado donation, the size can be gauged by recalling what Gabriel Soares de Sousa said in 1587, “So prosperous is this captaincy that it contains more than one hundred men whose annual income ranges from 1,000 to 5,000 cruzados and some are as much as 8,000 and 10,000 cruzados.” de Sousa, Gabriel Soares, Tratado Descriptivo do Brasil em 1587, 3ed. (São Paulo, 1938) p. 29.Google Scholar

⁶² da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 1, 488.Google Scholar

⁶³ Archivo General de Simancas, Madrid, Secretarias Provinciales, Libro 1464, fol. 53–54.

⁶⁴ ANTT, Chancelarias de Filipe II, Privilegios, Livro I, fol. 74.

⁶⁵ Cardoso, , Agiológio Lvsitano, 3, 348–349.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Brandão, , Diálogos, p. 144.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 2, 355.Google Scholar Borges da Fonseca calls Afonso da França, “…Governador que foi do Marzão.” “Marzão” translates as the “wide seas” and I am uncertain why this appellation should apply to Afonso da França.

⁶⁸ Livro Primero do Governo do Brasil, 1607–1633 (Rio de Janeiro, 1958), pp. 339–342.

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ Ibid.

⁷¹ Dutra, , Colonial Roots, p. 41.Google Scholar

⁷² Carta Regia, February 16, 1619, AHU, Papeis Avulsos (1590–1697), caixa 1; Livro Primeiro, pp. 273–276, 284–286, & 278–280.

⁷³ Albuquerque, , Memórias Diárias, 237 Google Scholar; da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 2, 376.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Albuquerque, , Memórias Diárias, 377.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid., p. 203.

⁷⁶ da Costa, Pereira, Anais Pernambucanos, 2, 377.Google Scholar