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The Heroic Age of Phrygia in Ancient Literature and Art1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 June 2015

Peter Carrington
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Extract

The object of this paper is to re-examine the Greek literary traditions concerning a Phrygian migration from Europe to Asia Minor and the early movements of that people within Asia Minor, also allusions to these traditions in local legends and coin-types of the Roman period. Such archaeological and philological evidence as there may be for a migration is not considered: a superficial examination would seem to indicate that neither of these disciplines can yet suggest a clearcut picture of population movement which we can relate to that presented by the literary evidence, and I am not qualified to take part in the creation of one. Without supporting evidence from either of these disciplines it must be emphasised that the historicity of the events recorded in the traditions must remain open to doubt. The discussion that follows is concerned with the development of the traditions, especially that which we shall call the “Anatolian tradition”, as purely literary constructions, not as historical accounts.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 27 , December 1977 , pp. 117 - 126
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1977

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References

2 I survey the archaeological and philological evidence in my thesis, 23–7 and footnotes. The major relevant studies seem to be: Bittel, K., “Kleinasiatische Studien” Ist. Mitt. V (1941) 66 ff.Google Scholar, 88 ff.; Bouzek, J., “Bronze Age Greece and the Balkans: Problems of Migrations”, Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, ed. Crossland, R. A. and Birchall, A. (London, 1973), 172Google Scholar; M. Garašanin, “Ethnographic Problems of the Bronze Age in the Central Balkan Peninsula and Neighbouring Regions”, ibid., 121; Sandars, N. K., “From Bronze Age to Iron Age: a Sequel to a Sequel”, The European Community in Later Prehistory: Studies in Honour of C. F. C. Hawkes, ed. Boardman, J., Brown, M. A., Powell, T. G. E., (London, 1971), 17 ff.Google Scholar; Schachermeyer, F., “Materialien zur Geschichte der ägäischen Wanderung”, Ath. Mitt. XLI (1916), 401, 424 ff.Google Scholar, and on the linguistic evidence: Crossland, R. A., “The Position in the Indo-European Language-Family of Thracian and Phrygian and their Possible Close Cognates: some General Observations”, Studia Balcanica V: L'Ethnogenèse des Peuples Balkaniques (Sophia, 1971), 225–36Google Scholar; Haas, O., Die Phrygischen Sprachdenkmäler (Sophia, 1966)Google Scholar; Jokl, N., “Phryger” RLV X (1927–1928), 141 ff.Google Scholar; Kretschmer, P., Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen, 1895), 183 f.Google Scholar; 200 f. There is, as yet at least, no first-hand evidence of what the Phrygians themselves thought about their origins.

3 X, 3, 16, C471.

4 . .

5 See also Strabo VII, 3, 10, C303; XII, 3, 3, C542.

6 On these genealogies see in brief Rose, H. J., “Dardanus”, OCD2, 313Google Scholar. A relationship with the European Dardanians was suggested by Kretschmer, P., Einleitung, 185Google Scholar.

7 Strabo XII, 3, 3, C541; XIII, 1, 8, C586; XII, 8, 3, C572.

8 VII, 3, 2, C295; XII, 3, 5, C542. Apollodorus: cited in XIV, 5, 23, C542.

9 XIV, 5, 23, C542.

10 Abydus: Strabo XIII, 1, 22, C591

Antandrus: Steph. Byz. s. v.

Treri: Strabo XIII, 1, 8, C586.

Bithynians: Arrian, , FGrHist. 2BGoogle Scholar, no. 864, frag. 60; Herodotus VII, 75. From the Thracian name Kretschmer, Asti, Einleitung 211Google Scholar, inferred that Astacus on the Propontis was one of their foundations.

11 On Xanthus see Drews, R., The Greek Accounts of Eastern History (Cambridge, Mass., 1973) 100–3Google Scholar.

12 XII, 4, 5, C564–5; XII, 4, 8, C566.

13 Meyer, E., Geschichte des Altertums, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart–Berlin, 1918), II, 2, 568Google Scholar.

14 Lesches cited by Pausanias X, 25; Stesichorus cited in schol. Eur, . Andromache, 10Google Scholar; Eur, . Andromache 9–11, 224–5Google Scholar; Trojan Women 708–20; 777–80; 1133–1202.

15 Abas cited by Servius, ad Aeneidem IX, 264Google Scholar.

16 See the discussion in Strabo XIII, 1, 1 C581 ff. both for ancient views and for the fascination of the subject. He comments: ἥς(τῆς Τρωάδος) τὸ πολυθρύλητον - - - ὅμως πολυλογίαν οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν παρέχει τῇγραφῇ. See also XII, 4, 6, C565.

17 On the Mysian Abbeitae see the inscriptions Le Bas-Waddington III, no. 1001 and CIL XIV, 2213Google Scholar (IG XIV, 1121Google Scholar; OGIS 445) and the coins discussed by Imhoof-Blumer, F., “Die Prägorte der Abbaiter, Epikteter, Grimenothyriten und Temenothyriten”, Festschrift für Otto Benndorf (Wien, 1898), 201 ffGoogle Scholar. On Abbretene see Strabo XII, 8,9, C574–5.

18 For example, in Dionysius Periegetes 809 f. (probably based on Eratosthenes), where the coastline from Cius to the Hellespont is included in Lesser Phrygia and in schol. in Rhod, Ap.. Argonautica I, 1115 and 1165Google Scholar, where the coast from Aesepus to the Rhyndacus is allotted to Phrygia.

19 The cities are Dorylaeum, Synnada and Metropolis. Synnada was in origin a native city but received Greek settlers during the Hellenistic period. The name of Metropolis is Greek, but may also indicate the strength of the native element in the population. The origin of Dorylaeum is uncertain; I argue in my thesis that it is Hellenistic. All three claimed as founder Acamas, the son of Theseus, who sailed from Euboea to join the Trojan War, and was thus a good model for Greek settlers of the Hellenistic period. The lack of any link with the Hellenistic dynasties and the possible presence of a strong native element in their populations may have made the claims to antiquity of these cities seem plausible. The topic is discussed in detail in my thesis, 60–2. I hope to publish a note on it in the near future.

20 B.M Cat. Greek Coins of Phrygia (hereafter B. M. Cat.), 345, nos. 12–13 and pl. XL, 6. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen I, 290Google Scholar, note on no. 2; SNG von Aulock heft 9, 3905–6. Babelon, , Inv. Wadd., 6369 and 6371Google Scholar; Regling, K., “Hektor auf Münzen von Stektorion”, Klio VIII (1908), 489 ffGoogle Scholar.

21 B. M. Cat., 345, no. 14 and pl. XL, 7 (Geta); Inv. Wadd. 6368 (Caracalla).

22 Regling, art. cit. In Kleinasiatische Münzen I, 290Google Scholar, no. 2 and SNG Danish National Museum, Phrygia, 692 (both from the reign of Philip I) the figure boarding the ship is called Mygdon. In Inv. Wadd. 6505 the figure in the chariot is called Ares.

23 B. M. Cat. 385, no. 11 (Severus Alexander); 386, no. 18 and pl. XLV, 4 (Philip Senior and Junior). Cf. Kleinasiatische Münzen I, 290Google Scholar, Taf. 17, 16 (Philip) and SNG Danish National Museum, Phrygia, 691 (Severus Alexander).

24 Regling, art. cit.

25 Ramsay, W. M., The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Oxford, 1895) 1, 2, 688Google Scholar. Cf. Head in B. M. Cat., lxxxvii.

26 See Calder, W. M., “A Hellenistic Survival at Eucarpia”, AS VI (1956), 49 ffGoogle Scholar.

27 BCH XVII (1893), 277Google Scholar (CB I, 2, 702, n. 638Google Scholar; IGR IV, 692)Google Scholar.

28 The essential inscriptions are: Ath. Mitt. XX (1895), 16Google Scholar (GGA CLIX, 2 (1897), 399Google Scholar; Radet, , En Phrygie (Paris, 1895), no. IVGoogle Scholar; IGR IV, 527)Google Scholar; Radet, op. cit., no. III. I discuss the question at length in my thesis, 60–2.

29 Even the site of Otrous is not firmly fixed. The possibilities are considered by M. H. Ballance, “A Re-Assessment of the Archaeology of Central Asia Minor from Alexander the Great to the Turkish Conquest” (unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Edinburgh, 1961), 81–2.