² With one, or at most two exceptions–see below pp. 78–79.

³ There are however others before Suhis whose names cannot specifically be associated with any sculpture.

⁴ Carchemish III, p. 263Google Scholar.

⁵ Carchemish I, B. 7b. It appears that there is no justification for proposing the name Sangara on the great limestone inscription A. 1a (B. 43b) from the Long Wall of sculpture, see Ussishkin, David in Anatolian Studies XVII (1967) p. 188Google Scholar. This really relates to Watis wife of Suhis II.

⁶ Carchemish III, p. 260–263Google Scholar. Luhas (Suhis) I–Astuwatimaīs–Luhas (Suhis) II, Katuwas followed by Astiruwas–his son–Araras–Kamanas.

⁷ It is interesting that the modelling of the naked, winged goddess confronting the queen on B. 40 is reminiscent of the nude figure inscribed with the name of Ashur-bēl-kala, about a century or more older, found at Niniveh by Rassam in association with the White Obelisk. See Moortgat, Anton, The Art of Ancient Mesopotamia, translated into English by Judith Filson, Phaidon Press (1969), Pl. 250Google Scholar.

⁸ Carchemish III pl. B. 41, 42.

⁹ Also no doubt B. 60a, b, scenes of the chase, from chariots, in which a boar takes the place of the enemy beneath the horse.

¹⁰ Madhloom, op. cit. pp. 10 ff, with references to the varying opinions of Unger, Landsberger, Borger, Frankfort and Hrouda in note 1, and see also his pl. I.

¹¹ Gadd, op. cit. p. 124.

¹² Moortgat, A., The Art of Mesopotamia (1969), pp. 123–125Google Scholar.

¹³ Landsberger, B., Sam'al, p. 57 f.Google Scholar, n. 144.

¹⁴ Quoted from a letter dated 26 January 1972.

¹⁵ von Luschan, F. in AiS III (1902) Taf XXXIXGoogle Scholar, Chariot relief from the Outer ‘Burgthor“. A date not later than the ninth century, possibly even earlier, is suggested by the six spokes, crossed quivers, crest on the horses, griffin on the harness, shield with lion's head as a boss on the back of the chariot. It is improbable that Kilamu c. 850–830 B.C. (see Sommer, A. Dupont, Les Araméens, p. 42Google Scholar) who boasted of having done more for his city than any of his predecessors, was responsible for this ostentatious entrance; it is more likely that an earlier prince should be credited with this work.

¹⁶ Katuwas, see Akurgal The Art of the Hittites pl. 118, and Carchemish II A. 13d. In Carchemish III p. 263Google Scholar in support of an early date for Katuwas R. D. Barnett had tentatively proposes to correlate the name Hamet(e)as with the governor of Suru, Hamataya, murdered in 884 B.C. But according to J. D. Hawkins the latter name is to be read as a gentilic, ‘the Hamatean’, or man of Hamath, whereas Hamet(e)as, better read Hamiātas, is neither a gentilic nor connected with Hama.

¹⁷ LAR I 476.

¹⁸ Madhloom op. cit. p. 27.

¹⁹ On the Carchemish chronology see also Barnett, , Carchemish III p. 263Google Scholar. Note the orthostat representing a chariot scene at Zincirli, , AiS III Taf XXXIXGoogle Scholar. The swimming posture of the enemy trampled by the horses resembles Carchemish III B. 41. Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., University of London Institute Bulletin II, 1959Google Scholar, has noted that the archer on the Zincirli relief is wearing an Urartian helmet.

²⁰ Carchemish III, pl. B. 48 and E. Weidner in Antiquity No. 116, Dec. 1955, pp. 242–245. The inscription was mostly obliterated in antiquity. Weidner believed that the statue had been acquired from some other city, for as J. D. Hawkins has reminded me, Carchemish did not submit to the Assyrian yoke until it was conquered by Sargon: perhaps the statue was mutilated when the city threw off its subservience. Weidner noticed that the unusual Egyptian poise of the hands occurs only in Assyria on this statue and on the similar one from Assur.

²¹ The long mantle worn by the wife of the Storm god is reminiscent of the early form of dress worn for example by tributaries, probably mountaineers, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III and on many other carvings on stone and on ivory, but the dress is by no means identical.

²² Güterbock, H. G., “Carchemish”, in JNES XIII, p. 109 (1954)Google Scholar ascribes the set of orthostats on the Long Wall to Luhas (Suhis), and agrees with Woolley that the Naked Goddess may be older than the rest of the row and incorporated into it by Katuwas. A date of c. 900 B.C. is not far off the mark.

²³ The longer hieroglyphic inscriptions often open with the head or the full length figure of the prince who is the dedicant. Hair styles are significant as also the dress: thus A. 14a, Suhis, displays hair bunched and curling upwards on the nape of the neck; A. 12b, Katuwas is similar, also A. 22a Astiruwas, c. 800 B.C.; A. 13, Katuwas, as we have seen on pp. 67, 68, has pot hook spirals to delineate the hair, but Araras A. 6 and B. 6, 760 B.C., has a different hair style–parallel waves, and wears an elaborate belt characteristic of the 8th century. See also p. 74.

²⁴ Discussion of winged figures carrying a bucket, see Mallowan, Max and Davies, L. G., Ivories in Assyrian Style, Fascicule II pl. XLIII, 189Google Scholar and pp. 50–51–an eagle headed genie of the eighth century B.C. Madhloom op. cit. p. 114 and pl. LXXXV especially No. 6 where the type of deep bucket, period of Ashurnasirpal II, appears to conform more closely than the shallower bucket No. 11 current in the reign of Sargon. See also the evidence adduced by J. D. Hawkins, p. 104 ff., below.

²⁵ B. 4, 5 were positioned on the south side of the Royal Buttress and are later in date than the sculpture on the Herald's Wall, see p. 75 below.

²⁶ See Frankfort AAAO pl. 163 and p. 180. The basalt head B. 54a with thin slit mouth and hair delineated as pot-hook spirals belonged to the same monument and was found next to it. The identical treatment of the head is best seen in AiS IV p. 367 Abb. 267Google Scholar and for the composition of the entire monument Abb. 265 on p. 365, wrongly attributed to Kilamu on p. 368; but the pre-Assyrian style of the monument makes it more likely that it is to be dated some generations earlier than Kilamu, contra F. Luschan and H. Frankfort.

²⁷ The long inscription of the king Kilamu, initiated by a full length sketch of him holding a lotus, was found in J. 1 of his Palace J not far from the great lion base; see AiS IV p. 374 fGoogle Scholar. Abb. 273 and Taf. L for the position of chamber J. 1, Palace J in which it was found. Dupont-Sommer, A., Les Araméens p. 42 f.Google Scholar, has dated the inscription itself to 827 B.C. a period of Assyrian weakness towards the end of the reign of Shalmaneser III when he was campaigning against Cilicia 839, 834, 832 B.C. It seems likely that Kilamu was approximately contemporary with this king of Assyria.

²⁸ See Ussishkin, D.: “Ritual burial of monuments”, JNES 29 (1970), pp. 124–128Google Scholar. Also Mallowan, M. E. L. in C.A.H. I, Pt. 2 (1971), Chapter XVI p. 259Google Scholar for references to the burying of ancient statuary in the precincts of the temple at Khafaji, particularly Nintu VI, pp. 259, 260.

²⁹ ND 7910 pl. 416–7 in Mallowan, N & R pp. 512–3Google Scholar. This bed at Nimrud had a panelled, scrolled back and was probably made before 800 B.C.

³⁰ Woolley misinterpreted this scene as a lion attacking a cart.

³¹ AiS III Taf. XL, XLI.

³² Also comparable with an orthostat from the outer city gate at Zincirli, AiS III Taf. XLII (b)Google Scholar;

³³ Also at Zincirli, AiS III Taf. XLIIIGoogle Scholar outer city gate and see Moortgat, A., Tell Halaf III Taf. 88, A. 3, 152Google Scholar a basalt relief inscribed “Palace of Kapara”, probably second half of the ninth century B.C. For the date of the Kapara sculpture see my note in N & R on pp. 331–2.

³⁴ Oppenheim, , T. Halaf III Taf. 133.Google ScholarMallowan, , N & R p. 321Google Scholar and pl. 22. These later versions of the same scene show, in identical fashion, extraordinary contortions of the intertwined legs–a posture not yet adopted at Carchemish.

³⁵ Comparable figures wearing leonine masks and brandishing a club or mace occur on Assyrian reliefs executed to the order of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal, see the illustrations in Madhloom op. cit. pl. LXXXI, Nos. 2, 3–both come from Kuyunjik, and are variations on a theme which at Carchemish appears to be illustrated over two centuries earlier. These figures, part animal and part human, probably owe their inspiration to Babylonian art. Two facing figures in a similar pose to B. 14b are illustrated on an Assyrian, red carnelian cylinder seal, L. Delaporte CCO Louvre II Acquisitions, Pl. 88, A. 678, belonging to the reign of Adad-nirari III and dated by the name of Nergalilai to the year 809 B.C. This is an old Babylonian motif and when it occurs in Assyria and Syria derives its inspiration from Babylonia. A Sumerian Bull-man image on a terra-cotta plaque of the third dynasty of Ur or Larsa period was found in the PA–SAG shrine at Ur: painted red, it had probably been affixed to one side of a doorway. Another plaque from approximately the same period was also found at Ur and illustrates a goddess holding a vase; her long flowing dress is reminiscent of another Carchemish relief, B.62a. For the parallels from Ur see Woolley, C.L. in A.J. XI No. 4 (1931) Pl. L No. 1, LII No. 1Google Scholar.

³⁶ Carchemish III p. 193Google Scholar. The interruption and junction show clearly in the photograph in Carchemish I B. 1b.Google Scholar

³⁷ The basalt head, B. 54, found next to the lion base, again out of position, probably belonged to the same monument; see note 2 on p. 16. See also for the type of head Syria XVII 1936, p. 9. This type of figure is comparable with one from Marash–Messerschmidt CIH. 52–which represents Qalparunda son of Mutallu, a contemporary of Shalmaneser III c. 858. Hawkins believes this figure to be contemporary with Suhis or Katuwas if not actually one or the other.

³⁸ According to Bossert in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of Araras, A. 24, there is a mention of Ashur-Dan III (771–754 B.C.): see Güterbock, H. G. in JNES XIII (1954) p. 105Google Scholar and also for a possible synchronism between Sarduris III and Kamanas.

³⁹ Meriggi, P., Manuale di Eteo Geroglifico Pt. II, 1 Roma (1967) p. 19 ffGoogle Scholar. In the Assyrian Royal Annals the name of Sangara is mentioned first some time before 867 B.C. and again as late as 848 B.C.

⁴⁰ Musicians playing the same instruments at Zincirli, see AiS. III, 220Google Scholar Abb. 118, 119 from the outer city gate, probably 850–830 B.C.

⁴¹ Güterbock, H. G.JNES XIII, p. 108Google Scholar ascribes the goddess and her attendant priestess to Katuwas and reckons that he left undisturbed an older set of mythological reliefs on the Herald's Wall–perhaps therefore a decade or two earlier; but the camel relief B. 50a is an interloper.

⁴² H. G. Güterbock however would argue that these orthostats were executed to the order of Katuwas, on grounds of the inscriptions A. 9, 10, A. 11 b, e, see JNES XIII (1954), p. 107Google Scholar.

⁴³ The orthostats are numbered, B. 57b, 58a, 58b, 59 on the west side of the gate and B. 55b. 56a, 56b on the east side (not 58a, 58b, as printed on Pl. 43a).

⁴⁴ Comparable with orthostats of the same period already noted, on the outer city gate of Zincirli–note especially the stag AiS III Taf. XXXIVGoogle Scholar, and the hunter with recurved bow shooting at a stag, ibid. Taf. XXXIV g, h, to be compared with Carchemish B. 59 on the west jamb.

⁴⁵ Carchemish III, p. 201Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ They were found face downwards and Ussishkin, D.An. St. 17 (1967) p. 189 fGoogle Scholar. has plausibly argued that they had been door-jambs removed from the Royal Buttress. The inscriptions refer to the erection of the slabs represented by B. 2–23; but the sculpture on the Royal Buttress is, as we have seen, later.

⁴⁷ For B. 53 see above p. 74.

⁴⁸ See B. 12.

⁴⁹ There is a striking comparison between the spouted pot on this Carchemish relief and a strap handled Phrygian type of painted vase from tumulus III at Gordion, illustrated by Akurgal, Ekrem, Phrygische Kunst, Ankara (1955), Taf 11, 12Google Scholar. The Carchemish carving appears to be a faithful representation of the cylindrical roll-top handle of Phrygian type: this style of vase is dated by Akurgal as ‘mature’ Phrygian–first phase, 730–675 B.C.–Körtes date is about 700 B.C. The same type of vase occurs at Karatepe, –Akurgal, E., The Art of the Hittites, London (1962) pl. 142Google Scholar. Another interesting parallel must be mentioned with reference to Carchemish B. 30, a Water-Gate Relief on which we see a representation of an attendant pouring a libation from a small vase into a big krater; a long cascade of water is delineated to draw attention to the ritual. See for comparison an orthostat from Malatya, Akurgal, op. cit. pl. 105 top, which illustrates king Sulumeli performing a similar libation, attended by a servant leading a bull, as on the Carchemish relief: the date of this king is generally thought to be the last quarter of the eighth century B.C. See Delaporte, L.Malatya, Paris, E. de Boccard (1940) p. 38Google Scholar and plates XXIX ff. Sulumeli was a contemporary of Tiglath-Pileser III and of Pisiris of Carchemish, –see LAR I §772Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Mallowan, , N & R II pls. 403, 404, 405Google Scholar.

⁵¹ We have already referred above to musicians playing instruments of this type on the orthostats facing the outer gate at Zincirli 850–830 B.C., AiS III Taf. XXXVIII and Abb. 118, 119 on p. 220Google Scholar.

⁵² Carchemish III p. 248Google Scholar.

⁵³ A very similar winged lion relief B. 48 was found in the Temple Courtyard: the two figures must have been made contemporarily.

⁵⁴ Information kindly given to me by J. D. Hawkins. The dedication must be either about the time of Kamanas or later. Inscription A. 32.

⁵⁵ Mallowan, , N & R pls. 395, 396, 398, 399, 401, pp. 498, 500–2Google Scholar. A detailed drawing of the statue of Kubaba may be seen in Pottier, E.L'Art Hittite, Geuthner (1926) p. 15 fig. 2Google Scholar; cf. Carchemish I, pp. 4–5Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Mallowan, , N & R p. 493Google Scholar and pl. 388.

⁵⁷ Fugmann, E., Hama, L'Architecture des Périodes Pré-Hellénistiques, Copenhagen (1958) p. 204 and fig. 258 on p. 205Google Scholar; also illustrated by Ingholt, Harald in Rapport Préliminaire sur Sept Campagnes de Fouilles à Hama en Syrie (1932–1938), Copenhagen (1940), pl. XXXV Nos. 2–3, discussion of date of stratum on p. 118Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Mallowan, , N & R pl. 387; cf. p. 490Google Scholar with reference to four men in a cab at Khorsabad possibly of the time of Sargon II, 722–705 B.C., or c. 740 B.C., but earlier in the opinion of Ussishkin, David, “On the Date of a Group of Ivories from Nimrud” in BASOR No. 203 October 1971 p. 22 fGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Carchemish III, p. 240Google Scholar, said to come from the east side of the staircase, see page 70, and 104 note 28a below.

⁶⁰ For this remarkable achievement of the Sakça Gözü sculpture of this period see a much neglected article, ‘Some Notes on the Dado-Sculptures of Sakjegeuzi’ by Vaughan, D. M. in LAAA XXI, Nos. 1–2 p. 37 fGoogle Scholar. and fig. 2. Miss Vaughan draws attention to the subtlety of the carving of this and the Zincirli relief; the heads are not in the usual low relief pure profile, but partly in the round being turned outwards so as to show the whole mouth and nose and both eyes. The body is frontally viewed and the head is three-quarter relief.

⁶¹ Madhloom, T. A., The Chronology of Neo-Assyrian Art p. 102Google Scholar.

⁶² See also Carchemish III B. 47a and b to which the same remarks are applicable.

⁶³ Madhloom op. cit., p. 109, pl. LXXXI, Nos. 2, 3; p. 80, pl. LIII, Nos. 1, 2. See also 7–73, note 35.

⁶⁴ The outer, E. face of the so called Long Wall formed the façade of the temple of the Storm God which was founded by Katuwas, as we learn from the inscriptions A. 2 and 3 found at the entrance to the shrine. See also Carchemish III pl. 29 for plan and order of sculpture B. 38–46 as found along the Long Wall. Some archaic as well as more recent monuments were found within the temple which included a limestone altar A. 4c, an inscribed basalt drum A. 4a, basalt bell laver B. 47, and winged griffin B. 48. The bulls with their inlaid eyes could possibly have been the work of Sargon (the style is exceptional); a brick inscribed with the name of that king was found here, as well as a finely carved ivory palmette plaque, pl. 71f, in a style well represented at Samaria and Nimrud–this one perhaps to be dated to the last quarter of the ninth century; compare Mallowan, N & R II pl. 580 and p. 598Google Scholar or possibly later.

⁶⁵ J. D. Hawkins reads the inscriptional evidence as follows: Suhis built the Long Wall of Sculpture (A. 1a, A. 1b), Katuwas built the Temple of the Storm-God (A. 2, A. 3); the Processional Entry (A. 8–A. 11a); B. 2a–B. 3b, B. 17b–B. 23a along the Herald's Wall (except the Royal Buttress) (A. 9, 10–A. 11b, c.)

⁶⁶ Best summary of evidence is by Güterbock, H. G., “Carchemish” in JNES XIII (1954), 102 ffGoogle Scholar. who has on good grounds concluded that the Long Wall of sculpture represents the earliest style in the series of orthostats and that this was left in position by Katuwas who was responsible for the series which ran southward from the Herald's Wall, with the exception of the relatively late replacements on the Royal Buttress. Katuwas built the Temple of the Storm God; B. 54a, basalt head of statue on lions similar to the one at Zincirli, is also ascribed to him or his period, p. 108. But B. 33 on the east side of the staircase leading up to the citadel from the north end of the Long Wall, the sun and the moon-gods on the back of a lion, are ascribed to Luhas II, i.e. Suhis II, p. 109.

⁶⁷ LAAA XVIII Nos. 3–4, p. 98Google Scholar, Excavations of 1929–30 on behalf of the British Museum; LAAA XIX Nos. 3–4, p. 68Google Scholar evidence of Zigâti of Shamshi-Adad IV, c. 1000 B.C., who repaired the bīt-nāmiru of the Temple.

⁶⁸ Strommenger, Art of Mesopotamia pl. 188 for the altar of Nusku. Close parallel on the rather cruder relief of Shalmaneser III from Kurkh–see ASBM pl. I and also on the glazed brick panel above a portal over the doorway of the same king in Fort Shalmaneser–see Mallowan, N & R II pl. 373Google Scholar. It is moreover remarkable that at Zincirli this elaborate style of dress continued to be the mark of Assyrian royalty as late as the seventh century B.C. when Esarhaddon set up his stela; see AiS I Taf. I, IIIGoogle Scholar. Note also the figure of the king wearing a similar garment with triple folds on an ivory from Nimrud correctly assigned by R. D. Barnett, CNI pl. CXIII to the eighth century B.C. I believe that this figure may have represented either Tiglath-Pileser III or Sargon.

⁶⁹ AiS IV 375Google Scholar, abb 273 and AiS IV Taf LXVIGoogle Scholar for another representation of the same king and attendant on a stela from Hallenbau P.

⁷⁰ Sommer, A. Dupont, Les Araméens, 40–42Google Scholar for the remarkable historical inscription of this boastful demogogue, so un-Assyrian in tone in the condemnation of his ancestors whom he describes as “rois fainéants”. LAR I §§ 599, 600Google Scholar, first year of Shalmaneser III, records his victorious campaign against Hâni the Sama'lite and mentions tribute.

⁷¹ Frankfort, , AAAO pl. 163 and p. 180Google Scholar, AiS IV pl. XXIV Abb. 266 and p. 366Google Scholar.

⁷² Carchemish III B. 53a and 54a.

⁷³ Sachau, E. in AiS I 64, 65 Berlin (1893Google Scholar). Inscription of Bar-rakib in G. A. Cooke North Semitic Inscriptions Nos. 62, 63; A. Dupont Sommer, Les Araméens 65f, one of them illustrated in AiS IV p. 379 abb 276Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ AiS I, Taf VIGoogle Scholar; inscription in G. A. Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions No. 61.