^{page 197 note 1} Pallottino, , The Etruscans (Penguin Series) pp. 49 ff.Google Scholar, where the questions are fully discussed, with a sufficient bibliography on p. 72. Bérard also names the three theories and accepts the oriental one (La colonisation grecque de l'Italie méridionale et de la Sicile dans l'antiquité (1957) p. 499Google Scholar) Similarly after dealing with the literary evidence Burn considers that “the theory of the Lydian origin of the Etruscans may … be taken as proved” (Minoans, Philistines and Greeks (1930) pp. 60 ff., 240 ff.)Google Scholar; so also Brandenstein, , Die Herkunft der Etrusker p. 12Google Scholar (Der Alte Orient XXXV (1937)Google Scholar), and Conway, in CAH. IV, pp. 388 ffGoogle Scholar. Altheim (Der Ursprung der Etrusker (1950) p. 7Google Scholar) says the question has been so fully discussed that a new treatment is unnecessary. He also gives some examples of useful references.

^{page 197 note 2} Pallottino, op. cit. pp. 55 ff.

^{page 197 note 3} Brandenstein, op. cit. pp. 7–12, 22 ff.

^{page 197 note 4} For example, von Bissing, (WZKM. XXXIV, 1927, p. 255)Google Scholar says that it has become almost the common property of science that the two names are the one and the same. He suggests that it would have been some later Tyrsenoi who invaded Italy (p. 257). Then in the next volume of the periodical he concludes that an immigration of Etruscans at the end of the second millenium is at the least extremely improbable and that after two defeats in Egypt the Teresh would hardly have had the power to appear in Italy as colonisers (WZKM. XXXV, 1928, pp. 177 f., 187Google Scholar). Apropos of this another suggestion is made on p. 200.

^{page 198 note 1} In the Revue des études anciennes LI (1949), pp. 201–218Google Scholar, Bérard combats the idea that the orientalising civilisation of the 8th to 7th centuries represents the arrival of the Etruscans in Italy. He carries this back to Trojan times. In his Colonisation grecque, etc. (1957) p. 502Google Scholar, he speaks of this civilisation as a “renaissance” not a “naissance”. On p. 207 of the former article he says that Pallottino finds evidence that the Etruscan language would have been established in Italy at the beginning of the first millenium if not already at the end of the second.

^{page 198 note 2} As the name appears on the Tables of Iguvium, Conway, , CAH. IV, p. 385Google Scholar.

^{page 198 note 3} Herodotus I, 94, says that they changed their name from Lydians to Tyrsenoi, and this they are supposed to have taken from a town in Lydia by the name of Tyrsa, which, however, is only known through a very late statement that Gyges came from there. All this is discussed in detail by Schachermeyr, , Etruskische Frühgeschichte pp. 283–290Google Scholar. However, there was the name Rasenna by which they, or perhaps some of their aristocracy, called themselves. But this is late, Brandenstein, op. cit. pp. 20–2, where the question is fully discussed.

^{page 198 note 4} Brugsch identified the Turisa, as he transcribes the name, with the Greek Tyrsenoi and also with the Hebrew Tîras (Brugsch, H., Geographische Inschriften (1858) II, p. 83Google Scholar) as does Müller, Max (Asien und Europa p. 382)Google Scholar. de Rougé definitely decided for the Tursce-Tyrrhenians on p. 39 of his article on the Mediterranean peoples in Rev. arch. XVI (1867), pp. 35–45Google Scholar.

^{page 198 note 5} Schachermeyr, op. cit. pp. 44, 229, 230, thinks of the Turusa as Ṫyrsenoi-Etruscans and as living in Asia Minor. But he gets into difficulties because he thinks there is no evidence for Etruscans in Italy before the beginning of the 10th century, and the attack on Merneptah was some 250 years earlier than that.

^{page 198 note 6} For the Meshwesh as soldiers under Ramesses II, see p. 207, note 3 infra.

^{page 199 note 1} Petrie, , Kahun, Gurob and Hawara Pl. XIX and pp. 36, 38, 40Google Scholar. For the history of the settlement see p. 33. Moret thinks that a damaged name on a stela of Seti I might perhaps be restored as Teresh (Revue de l'Égypte ancienne I (1927), p. 18Google Scholar). But this is improbable.

^{page 199 note 2} This is all set out in my article in JEA. XXV (1939), pp. 148–153, especially p. 149Google Scholar.

^{page 199 note 3} Müller, K. O. (Die Etrusker (edn. Deecke, 1877) II, p. 310Google Scholar) would put the length of a saeculum to something between 105 and 123 years. Norton shows that the saecula varied between 100 and 123 years (Encyclopaedia Britannica (11th edn.), s.v. Etruria, p. 856). Thulin would allow about 120 years to a saeculum (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie, s.v. Etrusca Disciplina, col. 727). Carter brings evidence to show that the period would have been 110 years (Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon d. Griech. und Röm. Mythologie, s.v. Proserpina, Die Ludi Saeculares, col. 3147). Conway gives a short account of the varying statements of the classical authors on which calculations have to be based (CAH. IV, pp. 388 f.Google Scholar). Herbig calculates that the system began in 967 B.C. (Kleinasiatisch-Etruskische Namengleichungen [Sitzungsb. K. Bayerischen Ak. Wiss. Phil. hist. Klasse 1914, Abhandl. 2] p. 37)Google Scholar. Bérard works out the beginning of the saecula to the middle of the 11th century B.C. (Revue des études anciennes LI (1949), p. 215, note 1)Google Scholar.

^{page 199 note 4} Schachermeyr, op. cit. p. 87, note 1, gives a list of those who think of the Etruscans as having come from Asia Minor and the dates they assign to their arrival in Italy. The earliest are c. 1050 B.C. and the 11th century.

^{page 200 note 1} Lepsius, , Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien III, Pl. 209bGoogle Scholar, Teresh no. 6, Shekelesh no. 5 = Breasted, op. cit. IV, §129. The figure no. 5 would not have been labelled Shasu as the damaged inscription is often completed (for instance, Breasted, loc. cit.), but Shekelesh as others take it to be. Lepsius thought he recognised the Sea Peoples' kilt in the picture. Certainly the hairdressing is the same as that of the Teresh, and the man's medallion is often shown on unmistakable pictures of Sea Peoples. The difficulty is that there is not room in the damaged space at the end of the inscription for so long a name as Shekelesh.

^{page 200 note 2} Nelson, and others, Medinet Habu I, Pls. 17, 18, 35 and probably Pl. 31Google Scholar, where the tops of some of the headdresses still remain visible. In each plate they appear in the bottom register. It is difficult to distinguish between the two peoples, for they make a pair being dressed in identical fashion.

^{page 200 note 3} Revue des études anciennes LI (1949), pp. 213, 214Google Scholar.

^{page 200 note 4} Breasted, , Ancient Records of Egypt IIIGoogle Scholar, Teresh, §§574, 588, 601; Libyans, §§574, 588, 601 and often; Meshwesh, §§580, 589, 608 and often.

^{page 200 note 5} The dates are derived from Rowton, in JEA. XXXIV (1948), pp. 61 ffGoogle Scholar. See especially pp. 72 f. where he answers possible objections to so low a dating. His date of 1290 B.C. for the accession of Ramesses II has now been confirmed by a lunar date calculated by Parker, in JNES. XVI (1957), p. 43Google Scholar. This of course carries the rest with it.

^{page 201 note 1} Ramesses III included the picture of the captive chief of the Teresh with those of the chiefs of the Hittites, Amorites, Zakkal, Sherden, Shekelesh and Peleset-Philistines (Breasted, op. cit. IV, §129). He did not include it with those of the Libyans and Meshwesh (op. cit. §114).

^{page 201 note 2} He does, however, name the Sherden, but not the Teresh, in the Harris Papyrus, Breasted, op. cit. IV, §403.

^{page 201 note 3} The idea has lasted on into the present century, as for example Breasted, op. cit. III, §570; Schachermeyr, op. cit. pp. 48, 49, 75, 76 and cf. his article in Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer (1957) p. 126Google Scholar. Cf. also Pallottino, , The Etruscans (1955) p. 56Google Scholar. But Schachermeyr, op. cit. p. 125, thinks that the Teresh and Aḳaiwash at any rate came from the Aegean area.

^{page 201 note 4} Breasted, op. cit. III, §§574, 579, 588, 601.

^{page 201 note 5} The difficulty is that they are said to have been circumcised (Breasted, op. cit. III, §588). It was on account of this that their hands were cut off instead of their phalli as was done to other people. It is to be noted that the Teresh and Shekelesh also had their hands cut off, though no reason is given in their cases (Id., loc. cit.). The meaning of the very rare word ḳrnt has been much discussed, but there can hardly be any doubt that in Merenptah's time at any rate it meant “foreskin“ (Edgerton and Wilson, op. cit. p. 14, note 24a; p. 15, notes 6–30), a thing which the Aḳaiwash are said to have been without. Piles of hands, no phalli, are counted at Ramesses III's triumph over the Sea Peoples. Only Philistines are shown in the picture. Nothing about any of this is said in the texts (Nelson, , Medinet Habu I, Pl. 42Google Scholar).

^{page 201 note 6} Breasted, op. cit. III, §§588, 601.

^{page 201 note 7} Id., op. cit. IV, §129. More than a hundred years before this Ramesses II had described an entirely different confederacy as being of “all countries from the ends of the sea” (Breasted, op. cit. III, §309). This was at the Battle of Kadesh, c. 1285 B.C.

^{page 201 note 8} Breasted, op. cit. III, §580.

^{page 202 note 1} Id., op. cit. III, §§595, 598.

^{page 202 note 2} Virolleaud, in Comptes rendus de l'acad. des inscc. et belles lettres 1955, pp. 75, 76Google Scholar. Cf. also Schaeffer, , Ugaritica III, p. 175Google Scholar, who also notes that it is contemporary with the sword bearing Merneptah's name which was found at Ugarit. M. Virolleaud supposes that the letter came from Egypt. But in the ordinary way the Pharaoh never called himself “the Sun”, as does the writer of this letter. It was, however, the usual title of the Hittite kings, and it was the Hittites who were threatened with famine, not Egypt. The letter, therefore, must have come from the Hittite king, as Schaeffer says.

The subordinate Syrian kings writing to the Pharaoh in cuneiform did quite often, however, address him as “the Sun” (Knudtzon, , Die el-Amarna-Tafeln II, p. 1511Google Scholar, Index, sv. šamšu (2)), a habit no doubt due to Hittite influence. At times they also used his real title “Son of the Sun” (Id., loc. cit. s.v. šamšu (1) mâr ^ilu;šamaš).

^{page 202 note 3} Götze, A., Madduwattaš pp. 3 ffGoogle Scholar. (M.V.Ae.G. XXXII (1927)Google Scholar, Heft 1).

^{page 202 note 4} Id., op. cit. p. 40.

^{page 202 note 5} Mellaart, in Anatolian Studies V (1955), pp. 82 fGoogle Scholar. Two of its cities were Apasa-Ephesus and Pariana-Priene, the latter of which lies at the mouth of the Maeander River and the former is not far away to the north, Cornelius in Revue hittite et asianique XVI (1958), p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 202 note 6} Gurney, , The Hittites (2nd edn.) pp. 51 ff.Google Scholar, and p. 216 for the date.

^{page 203 note 1} A. Götze, loc. cit., from whose German translation the above is Englished.

^{page 203 note 2} Id., op. cit. p. 13, ll. 46 ff.

^{page 203 note 3} Id., op. cit. p. 25, l. 20.

^{page 203 note 4} Id., op. cit. p. 33, l. 56.

^{page 203 note 5} Brea, B., Sicily before the Greeks, passim especially pp. 149 ffGoogle Scholar. There had been trade with the Aegean from the sixteenth century onwards, pp. 108, 115, 125 ff. There had also been some very early influence originally from Troy, Evans in Antiquity XXX (1956), pp. 80–93Google Scholar. See also Taylour, Lord William, Mycenaean Pottery in Italy and Adjacent Areas pp. 7–80 and map p. 192Google Scholar. No Mycenaean pottery has so far been found north of Ischia off Naples, p. 9.

^{page 204 note 1} For an account of the early archaeology of Populonia see Schachermeyr, op. cit. pp. 122 ff. On p. 202 he expresses surprise that there was no iron in the older graves in spite of their nearness to the iron-producing country, especially Elba. But does not that merely show that the graves were of the Bronze Age Period ?

^{page 204 note 2} Maxwell-Hyslop, in Proc. Prehistoric Soc. XXII (1956), pp. 127 f.Google Scholar, 135. On pp. 132 f. an Italian sword is mentioned which is comparable to a group of unfinished swords at Ras Shamra-Ugarit, which dates from before 1360 B.C. Unfortunately the provenance of the Italian sword is unknown. For the Mycenaean pottery found in all this area of Italy, see Taylour, op. cit. pp. 81–169 and map p. 192.

^{page 204 note 3} Maxwell-Hyslop, op. cit. p. 133.

^{page 204 note 4} Id., op. cit. p. 135. On p. 140 the author says that all this influence at Populonia seems to have come up from Sicily, resulting no doubt from attacks by the Sea Peoples of the 12th century.

^{page 204 note 5} Id., pp. 137, 140.

^{page 204 note 6} Id., p. 137.

^{page 204 note 7} Id., p. 142.

^{page 204 note 8} Id., p. 140.

^{page 204 note 9} Maxwell-Hyslop, in Iraq XV (1953), p. 79Google Scholar. The type also spread to Sicily, Sardinia and much further afield. A map on p. 70 shows the Asiatic areas where lugged axes were used. For the mould from Troy, see Blegen, and others, Troy IV, p. 144Google Scholar, referring to Dörpfeld, , Troja und Ilion p. 405, fig. 406Google Scholar. Lord William Taylour says (p. 173) that the type was specially developed in the Terre-mare of the Po Valley, and another such mould has recently been found at Mycenae. The type would no doubt have travelled up the east coast from Taranto where a single example has been found.

^{page 204 note 10} Blegen and others, op. cit. p. 147.

^{page 205 note 1} Maxwell-Hyslop in op. cit. p. 78 and fig. 2, p. 69. Double spirals are very ancient in eastern and north-eastern Asia Minor, dating as they do from the first half of the third millenium B.C., Lamb, in Anatolian Studies IV (1954), p. 30 and p. 25, fig. 2, nos. 1–4Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 2} Taylour, op. cit. p. 173. The Trojan horned handle of Taranto becomes assimilated, whereas the Mycenaean painted ware, though copied, remained an alien tradition (Trump, in Proc. Prehistoric Soc. XXIV (1958), p. 187Google Scholar. For occasional Trojan connections here and elsewhere, see Taylour, passim.

^{page 205 note 3} Trump, loc. cit.

^{page 205 note 4} Id., in Proc. Prehistoric Soc. XXII (1956), pp. 141, 142.

^{page 205 note 5} Aeneid X, 172.

^{page 205 note 6} For instance, Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie, s.v. Turnus, col. 1409.

^{page 205 note 7} Herbig, , Kleinasiatisch-etruskische Namengleichungen p. 28 (Sitzungsb. K. Bayerischen Ak. Wiss., Phil. hist. Klasse 1914, Abhandl. 2)Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 8} Radet, G., La Lydie et le monde grecque (1893) pp. 146, 147Google Scholar. Prellwitz, W., Etymologisches Wörterbuch (1905) p. 471Google Scholar, would see in it a Phrygian root, but Boisacq, , Dictionnaire étymologique (1923) p. 992Google Scholar, considers this conjectural. But in any case Phrygia borders on Lydia. Myres, J. L., Who were the Greeks ? (1930) p. 118Google Scholar, returns to the old correltion with κοίρανος, equating both words with the Hittite kuirvanaš. For a study of this latter word see Götze, , Madduwattaš pp. 140–2Google Scholar (M.V.Ä.G. XXXII (1927), Heft IIIGoogle Scholar).

^{page 206 note 1} Macalister, R. A. S., The Philistines p. 79Google Scholar; Hastings, , Dictionary of the Bible, s.v. Philistines p. 845Google Scholar.

^{page 206 note 2} Aeneid VII, 371, 372.

^{page 206 note 3} Pauly-Wissowa, op. cit. Danaë, cols. 2084, 2086.

^{page 206 note 4} Aeneid X, 619.

^{page 206 note 5} Pauly-Wissowa, loc. cit. col. 2084.

^{page 206 note 6} Barnett, in Iraq X (1948), p. 58Google Scholar.

^{page 206 note 7} Maxwell-Hyslop, in Proc. Prehistoric Soc. XXII (1956), pp. 127 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 207 note 1} Picard, in. Rev. arch. XXI (1944), pp. 154 ff. and fig. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 2} Huxley, G. L., Mycenaean Decline and the Homeric Catalogue of Ships in Institute of Classical Studies Bulletin 3 (London, 1956), pp. 25, 27Google Scholar and table facing p. 30. This is also the date at which Blegen has arrived in 1958 (Troy IV, p. 12Google Scholar). It is Troy VIIa that is now accepted as the Homeric city.

^{page 207 note 3} Like the Teresh the Meshwesh are first heard of under Ramesses II. He had some Meshwesh in his army, Gardiner, A. H., Ancient Egyptian Onomastica I, p. 120*Google Scholar, where an account of these people will be found. They were repulsed again by Ramesses III in both his First and Second Libyan Wars, where the Teresh are not named.

^{page 207 note 4} As originally proposed by Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 80, 81, and regularly accepted since.

^{page 207 note 5} The Karnak inscription gives Teresh 742 men and 790 hands; Shekelesh 222 men and 250 hands (Breasted, op. cit. III, §588). These figures are confirmed by the Athribis stela which gives Teresh 722 + x men and Shekelesh 200 men but does not mention the hands (§601). These northerners were only a small proportion of the Libyan host, for it was 6,359 phalli that Merneptah cut off from the Libyans (§588), confirmed by the Athribis stela which gives 6,200 + x phalli (§601).

^{page 208 note 1} For a recent study of the routes by which the influences came and the causes which set them in motion, see, for instance, Maxwell-Hyslop, in Iraq XVIII (1956), pp. 150 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the history of Urartu, see Sayce, in CAH. III, pp. 173 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 208 note 2} Barnett, in The Aegean and the Near East (editor Weinberg, S.) pp. 226 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 208 note 3} Young, in AJA. LXII (1956), pp. 150 ffGoogle Scholar. and Pls. 25, 26 and Frontispiece; Id. in Archaeology XI (1958), pp. 227–231, where coloured pictures are given of the two situlae as well as reproductions of Sargon's sculptures.

^{page 208 note 4} Barnett in op. cit. p. 229.

^{page 208 note 5} Hopkins, in Berytus XI (1955), pp. 75 ff.Google Scholar, especially pp. 82, 83.

^{page 208 note 6} Maxwell-Hyslop, loc. cit., where references to earlier studies will be found.

^{page 208 note 7} Armenien Einst und Jetzt II, fig. on p. 483Google Scholar ( = Bossert, Altanatolien fig. 1179) and pp. 520 ff. and figs. A similar one, but of iron, was found at Karmir Blur near Erivan, Barnett, and Watson, in Iraq XIV (1952), p. 142Google Scholar.

^{page 208 note 8} Amandry discusses at length the export of the Urartian cauldrons to Greece and some extent to Italy and the local imitations in The Aegean and the Near East (editor Weinberg, S.) pp. 239–261 and Pls. XXIV–XXXIIGoogle Scholar; Syria XXXV (1958), pp. 73–109 and Pls. V–VIIIGoogle Scholar. In Anatolian Studies VI (1956), pp. 205–213Google Scholar, Hanfmann has a detailed article on Four Urartian Bulls' Heads.

^{page 209 note 1} Lehmann-Haupt, op. cit. II, pp. 266 ff. and figs.

^{page 209 note 2} Sayce, in CAH. III, p. 175Google Scholar. The tunnel at the sources of the Tigris right in the heart of Urartu, which Shalmaneser II visited in 853 B.C, appears to have been a natural one. King, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser Pl. LIX and pp. 30 ff. Cf. Olmstead, , History of Assyria p. 116 and figs. 62, 63Google Scholar. Lehmann-Haupt has a long description and account of it, op. cit. I, pp. 430–462.

^{page 209 note 3} Jacobsen, and Lloyd, Seton, Sennacherib's Aqueduct at Jerwan, especially pp. 46 ffGoogle Scholar. and Pl. XXXVI, A. There had apparently been an older canal, p. 42.

^{page 209 note 4} Safar, Fuad in Sumer III (1947), p. 24Google Scholar. This system is still in common use to-day in this area and in Persia where it is called kahriz.

^{page 209 note 5} A study of such cuniculi was made at Bieda in Etruria by Koch and others in Mitt. K.D. Arch. Inst., Röm. Abt. XXX (1915), pp. 185 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 209 note 6} G. Dennis, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, continually mentions them, see Index, s.v. Sewers.

^{page 209 note 7} Layard, , Discoveries in Nineveh and Babylon pp. 162, 163Google Scholar.

^{page 209 note 8} Sirde Beer, Gavin in Revue des Arts 1955, p. 146Google Scholar. Unfortunately he does not specify which part of Anatolia.

^{page 210 note 1} Schachermeyr, op. cit. pp. 291 ff., lists a number of Asianic details to be observed among the Etruscans, naturally mentioning several of those discussed here.

^{page 210 note 2} Daremberg, et Saglio, , Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, s.v. Augures p. 550Google Scholar; Boissier, , Mantique babylonienne et mantique hittite pp. 30–8Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 3} Livy I, vii, 1.

^{page 210 note 4} Id. IV, iv, 2.

^{page 210 note 5} It took place in the third year of the sixteenth Olympiad (Plutarch, Numa §1), hence in 713 B.C.

^{page 210 note 6} Livy I, xviii, 6–10.

^{page 210 note 7} Koşay, Les fouilles d'Alaca Höyük Pl. CLXXX, nos. 25, 26, 27, Tomb K, p. 167. Its Hittite name was kalmuş, Alp, Sedat in Belleten XII (1948), pp. 320–4Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 8} See for instance, H. Bossert, Altanatolien figs. 505, 507, 510, 532, 533, 546.

^{page 210 note 9} Bossert, op. cit. figs. 771–3, 777–8. The late date given to these on p. 70 is no longer tenable. Akurgal puts them at no earlier than 1050 B.C. (Remarques stylistiques sur les reliefs de Malatya p. 115Google Scholar), while Albright argues for a date further back towards 1150 B.C. (Weinberg, (editor), The Aegean and the Near East pp. 153–5)Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 10} Delaporte, , Malatya I, p. 54Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 1} Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum No. 5237. It includes the names of gods and records of funerary offerings.

^{page 211 note 2} SirEvans, Arthur, The Palace of Minos I, pp. 647 ffGoogle Scholar. and figs. Until a few years ago no written material had been recorded in south-western Asia Minor. But recently a potsherd has been discovered near Çivril bearing a graffito written in signs “which strongly resemble ‘Hittite’ hieroglyphs“, Mellaart, in Anatolian Studies V (1955), p. 80Google Scholar, and above, p. 32, no. 2.

^{page 211 note 3} Reinach, in Revue archéologique XV (1910), p. 30, fig. 11Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 4} Evans, op. cit. figs. 482, 483 no. 12, 488 nos. A 16, 17, 19, 22, 29.

^{page 211 note 5} Nelson, and others, Medinet Habu II, Pl. 72Google Scholar, two figures in the bottom right-hand corner; Müller, Max, Egyptological Researches II, Pl. 45Google Scholar, though it needs careful study to find them in the much damaged scene. On the other hand, it should be noted that, though Champollion and Rosellini show them in their drawings of the Sherden body-guard, they do not exist in the original (Breasted, in AJSLL. XXIII (1906), p. 4 and fig. 1Google Scholar). This embellishment is the more unfortunate as those pictures are so often republished and are so well known.

^{page 211 note 6} Reproduced by Müller, Max, Asien und Europa p. 378Google Scholar, from Inghirami, , Monumenti Etruschi III, Pl. XXGoogle Scholar. Other participants wear the usual Greek helmet with its huge crest.

^{page 211 note 7} Hood, and de Jong, in BSA. XLVII (1952), p. 260 and Pls. 50, 51Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 8} Giglioli, L'Arte Etrusca Pl. LIX, fig. 1, and the fasces is given on the title page but apparently not in the plates. Pallottino publishes both in his Etruscologia (1955) Pls. XXI, XXII. In discussing this stela Maciver says (Villanovans and Early Etruscans p. 125) that an iron axe of this form was found at Poggio Pepe.

^{page 212 note 1} Silius Italicus VIII, 484, 485.

^{page 212 note 2} Plutarch, , Moralia 302 A, 45Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 3} The sculpture has often been published, for instance by Bittel, Die Felsbilder von Yazilikaya Pls. XIII, fig. 44 = XV, fig. 44. More conveniently, though not very clearly, Garstang, The Hittite Empire Pl. XXII. But none of the photographs are very distinct.

^{page 212 note 4} Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemann's Sammlung Trojanischer Altertümer p. 246, No. 6135Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 5} Schliemann, , Mycenae p. 354, fig. 530Google Scholar; Schuchhardt, , Schliemann's Excavations p. 277Google Scholar, fig. 281, gives a small black and white reproduction in reverse.

^{page 212 note 6} Daremberg and Saglio, op. cit., s.v. Lorica p. 1314, fig. 4547.

^{page 212 note 7} Nelson, and others, Medinet Habu I, Pl. 39Google Scholar; or perhaps more easily in Bonnet, H., Die Waffen der Völker des alten Orients fig. 105, p. 212Google Scholar. I find that this has been realised before. On p. 244 of his Minoans, Philistines and Greeks A. R. Burn says of the armour “the legionary of the Punic Wars must have borne an astonishing resemblance to the Aegean sea-raider of a thousand years before”.

^{page 212 note 8} Nelson and others, op. cit. I, Pl. 39 often, especially along the top of the scene.

^{page 212 note 9} Giglioli, L'Arte Etrusca Pls. CCL, CCLI. It looks as if the bands were made of corrugated metal. Pl. CCLII, fig. 2, shows a sort of combined effect of armour made up of bands composed of large rectangular scales. The recumbent figure on Pl. CCLXXXII, fig. 1, wears a similar corselet.

^{page 212 note 10} Evans, , The Palace of Minos III, p. 315, fig. 206Google Scholar, a, b, and fig. 71.

^{page 212 note 11} Juvenal II, ll. 125, 126; Lucan, , The Civil War I, 1. 603Google Scholar.

^{page 213 note 1} Schliemann, , Mycenae p. 354, fig. 530Google Scholar; Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 277, fig. 281, gives a small black and white reproduction in reverse. For the little god himself descending from heaven, but without the shield, see Evans, op. cit. I, p. 160, fig. 115. His spear and flowing hair are shown.

^{page 213 note 2} Plutarch, Numa §XIII. It fell in his 8th year, hence in 705 B.C. It caused a pestilence to cease.