Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-x5gtn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-01T19:16:04.558Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Slave Resistance in Early Medieval England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 November 2022

Abstract

Considering early medieval slave resistance proves difficult, given our limited knowledge of all people of low status, especially slaves. Without oral histories, slave narratives, or strong indications of agency, we cannot confidently move beyond discussion of what slave-owners feared into what slaves intended. In lieu of broad discussion of slave agency for early medieval England, we can speak instead of the anticipated problems of slave-ownership. Elites were most concerned by behaviours which could fall into three overlapping categories of ‘problems’: those of property ownership, labour and violence. Each issue focusses heavily on legal responsibility for actions by slaves within a communal compensation-based legal system. Examination of these fears indicates that lawmakers and slave-owning elites were consistently engaged in problematizing slave-ownership, either in reaction to known slave behaviour or in anticipation of it. What emerges, then, is a situation in which both real and imagined acts of resistance helped shape ideas of power and authority both at a personal and administrative level. The expectations of slave behaviour also illuminate some aspects of slavery’s role in society.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Aptheker, H., American Negro Slave Revolts (New York, 1943)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for example, cf. Phillips, U. B., American Negro Slavery (New York, 1918)Google Scholar.

2 Stampp, K. M., The Peculiar Institution: Negro Slavery in the American South (London, 1956)Google Scholar; Genovese, E. D., Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York, 1972)Google Scholar.

3 For example, the chapters dedicated to slave resistance in the Cambridge World History of Slavery series.

4 Genovese, Roll, pp. 597–98; Fredrickson, G. M. and Lasch, C., ‘Resistance to Slavery’, The Debate over Slavery: Stanley Elkins and his Critics, ed. Lane, A. J. (Chicago, 1971), p. 226 Google Scholar; Mullin, G. W., Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (Oxford, 1972), pp. 35–6Google Scholar.

5 Scott, J. C., Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT, 1985), pp. 32 and 292–99Google Scholar.

6 Urbainczyk, T., Slave Revolts in Antiquity (Berkeley, 2008), pp. 427 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hunt, P., Ancient Greek and Roman Slavery (Hoboken, NJ, 2018), pp. 7580 Google Scholar.

7 Rio, A., Slavery after Rome 500–1100 (Oxford, 2017), pp. 169–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Origo, I., ‘The Domestic Enemy: the Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, Speculum 30 (1955), 321–66, at 340–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Samson, R., ‘The End of Early Medieval Slavery’, The Work of Work: Servitude, Slavery and Labor in Medieval England, ed. Frantzen, A. J. and Moffat, D. (Glasgow, 1994), pp. 95–124, at 105–08Google Scholar; Dockès, P., Medieval Slavery and Liberation (London, 1982), pp. 215–17Google Scholar; Bonnassie, P., From Slavery to Feudalism in South Western Europe (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 4851 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Wickham, C., Framing the Early Middle Ages (Oxford, 2005), pp. 578–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Wickham, C., ‘Space and Society in Early Medieval Peasant Conflicts’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi Sull’alto Medioevo 50 (2003), 551–85Google Scholar and Wickham, C., ‘Looking Forward: Peasant Revolts in Europe, 600–1200’, The Routledge History Handbook of Medieval Revolt, ed. Firnhaber-Baker, J. and Schoenaers, D. (London, 2017), pp. 155–67Google Scholar.

10 The classic study of these patterns is Patterson, O., Slavery and Social Death (Cambridge, MA, 1982)Google Scholar.

11 For example, Wormald, P., ‘“Inter cetera bona genti suae”: Law-Making and Peace-Keeping in the Earliest English Kingdoms’, in his Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West: Law as Text, Image and Experience (London, 1999), pp. 179–99Google Scholar; Lambert, T., Law & Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 2017), pp. 207–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Hyams, P., ‘Servitude in Anglo-Saxon England: Searching for the Serfs’, Languages of the Law in Early Medieval England: Essays in memory of Lisi Oliver, ed. Jurasinski, S. and Rabin, A. (Leuven, 2019), pp. 127–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 For an in-depth analysis of the Old English terminology including chronological and geographical variation, Pelteret, D. A. E., Slavery in Early-Medieval England: from Alfred the Great until the Twelfth Century (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 261330 Google Scholar.

14 These are all enslaved women. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. F. Liebermann, 3 vols. (Halle, 1903-1916), I, 3 (§11), 4 (§14, §16); translation in F. L. Attenborough, The Laws of the Earliest English Kings (Cambridge, 1922), pp. 4–7.

15 Lantfred, Translatio et Miracula Sancti Swithuni, in The Cult of St Swithun, ed. M. Lapidge (Oxford, 2003), pp. 330–2 (§38) and 302 (§20). See also discussion at p. 23.

16 Faith, R., The English Peasantry and the Growth of Lordship (London, 1997), pp. 5970 Google Scholar.

17 Pelteret, Slavery, pp. 109–30 for manumission in wills and pp. 140–56 on manumission ceremonies and payments.

18 For example, Moore, J. S., ‘Domesday Slavery’, ANS 11 (1988), 191–220, at 210–11Google Scholar. For the problems inherent in estimating the entire slave population from Domesday, see Pelteret, Slavery, pp. 190–2.

19 Rio, Slavery, pp. 208–9.

20 Ine §39 (Gesetze I, 106), II Edward §7 (Gesetze I, 144), III Æthelstan §4 (Gesetze I, 170); ed. Attenborough, pp. 48–9, 120–21, 144–45.

21 Chronicon Abbatiæ Rameseiensis, ed. W. D. Macray (London, 1886), p. 212 (§193, 1087 × 1099). Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 10661154 I: Regesta Willelmi Conquestoris et Willelmi Rufi, ed. H. W. C. Davis (Oxford, 1913), 101 (§399, 1093 × 1097). Eynsham Cartulary, 2 vols, ed. H. E. Salter (Oxford, 1907), I, 50–51 (§28, 1093 × 1100). On the flight of free people, Hyams, ‘Servitude’, pp. 139–41.

22 Pelteret, Slavery, pp. 170–1.

23 Ine §24 (Gesetze I, 100); ed. Attenborough, pp. 44–45.

24 Regarding the negotiability of manumission as part of penal enslavement, Rio, A., ‘Penal Enslavement in the Early Middle Ages’, Global Convict Labour, ed. Lichtenstein, A. and de Vito, C. G., (Leiden, 2015), pp. 79107, at 92–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Gesetz I, 100; ed. Attenborough, p. 44. This wording curiously mirrors that of Roman law and does not appear in other English law codes: ‘Servum fugitivum sui furtum facere’, The Codex of Justinian, ed. B. W. Frier, S. Connolly, S. Corcoran, M. Crawford, J. Noël Dillon, D. P. Kehoe, N. Emmanuel Lenski, T. A. J. McGinn, C. F. Pazdernik and B. Salway, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 2016), II, 1406 (6.1.1). Justinian’s sixth-century Code was largely ignored in western Europe until the second half of the eleventh century, and the parallel with Ine’s code merits further study. See also Winkler, J. F., ‘Roman Law in Anglo-Saxon England’, Jnl of Legal Hist. 13 (1992), 101–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Lorren Eldridge for bringing Justinian’s language to my attention.

26 Ine §29 (Gesetze I, 102); ed. Attenborough, pp. 44–45.

27 VI Æthelstan §6.3 (Gesetze I, 176–78); ed. Attenborough, pp. 160–61. See below, p. 17.

28 Lambert, Law & Order (Oxford, 2017), pp. 269–70.

29 Gesetze I, 390.

30 Frið, distinct from the later medieval concept of the king’s peace, was an aspirational goal of kings most visible in the royal legislation of theft from the ninth century onwards. See discussion in Lambert, Law & Order, pp. 207–215. On administrative mechanisms for fostering frið, see Molyneaux, G., The Formation of the English Kingdom in the Tenth Century (Oxford, 2015), pp. 104115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Regesta Regum, ed. Davis (Oxford, 1913), I, 101 (§399). This is well-attested for slavery in the Americas: Franklin, J. H. and Schweninger, L., Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation (Oxford, 1999), pp. 1923 Google Scholar.

32 Karras, R. M., ‘Concubinage and Slavery in the Viking Age’, Scandinavian Stud. 62 (1990), 141–62, at 144–46Google Scholar.

33 Ross, M. C., ‘Concubinage in Anglo-Saxon England’, Past & Present 108 (1985), 334, at 16–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar. P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968), no. 1508, printed in Charters of Christ Church, Canterbury, ed. N. Brooks and S. E. Kelly, 2 pts, AS Charters 17–18 (Oxford, 2013), no. 96, II, 809–11. Relatedly, the potential for an early medieval Christian king’s sons to inherit the throne may have been influenced more by the mother’s own political status than by her marital status: McDougall, S., Royal Bastards: the Birth of Illegitimacy, 800–1230 (Oxford, 2016), esp. pp. 108115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Vita Prima Sanctae Brigitae, ed. I. Bollandus and G. Henschenius, Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, vel a catholicis scriptoribus celebrantur (repr. Paris, 1863), Februarii I, 121 (§15).

35 The Will of Æthelgifu: a Tenth Century Anglo-Saxon Manuscript, ed. D. Whitelock (Oxford, 1968), pp. 11, 12 and 15. Naismith, R., ‘The Ely Memoranda and the Economy of the Late Anglo-Saxon Fenland’, ASE 45 (2016), 333–77, at 343Google Scholar. Rectitudines Singularum Personarum §§7, 9, 9.1 (Gesetze I, 449–50). Garmonsway, G. N., Ælfric’s Colloquy, 2nd edn. (London, 1947), pp. 20–1Google Scholar.

36 Will of Æthelgifu, ed. Whitelock, p. 14; ‘The Will of Wynflæd’, Anglo-Saxon Wills, ed. D. Whitelock (Cambridge, 1930), pp. 10–12.

37 Patrick, Confessio, in Libri Epistolarum Sancti Patricii Episcopi, ed. L. Bieler (Dublin, 1952), pp. 65–66 (§17), 70–71 (§23).

38 Vita Findani, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH, SS 15 (Hanover, 1887), 504.

39 Gesetze I, 128 (§5); ed. Attenborough, pp. 100–1.

40 Gesetze I, 224 (§6.2); translated in Robertson, A. J., Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I (Cambridge, 1925), pp. 5859 Google Scholar. For the context of this treaty, see Lund, N., ‘Peace and Non-Peace in the Viking Age – Ottar in Biarmaland, Rus in Byzantium, and Danes and Norwegians in England’, Proceedings of the Tenth Viking Congress, ed. Knirk, J. (Oslo, 1987), pp. 255–69 at 264–68Google Scholar.

41 For discussion of the dating and relationships of different surviving versions, see Keynes, S., ‘An Abbot, an Archbishop, and the Viking Raids of 1006–7 and 1009–12’, ASE 36 (2007), 203–13Google Scholar and Lionarons, J. T., The Homiletic Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 152–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Wulfstan of York, Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, ed. D. Whitelock (Exeter, 1976), pp. 58–59.

43 Urbanczyk, Slave Revolts, pp. 30–35; Bradley, K., Slavery and Rebellion in the Roman World, 140 BC–70 BC (London, 1989), pp. 111–13Google Scholar; Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, ed. R. Price, 3rd edn. (Baltimore, 1996).

44 Pelteret, D., ‘Slavery in the Danelaw’, Social Approaches to Viking Studies, ed. Samson, R. (Glasgow, 1991), pp. 179–88, at 184Google Scholar.

45 Pelteret, ‘Danelaw’, p. 185.

46 Hyams, P. R., Rancor and Reconciliation in Medieval England (Ithaca, 2003), p. 96 Google Scholar. The valid duration of sanctuary varied by time and place, Helmholz, R. H., The Ius Commune in England: Four Studies (Oxford, 2001), p. 19 Google Scholar.

47 Shoemaker, K., Sanctuary and Crime in the Middle Ages, 400–1500 (New York, 2011), p. 49 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Hyams, Rancor, pp. 95–97.

49 Shoemaker, Sanctuary, pp. 57–77.

50 Ine §5.1 (Gesetze I, 90); ed. Attenborough, pp. 36–7.

51 Whitelock, D., The Beginnings of English Society (Harmondsworth, 1952), pp. 108–9Google Scholar. Pelteret, Slavery, p. 244.

52 Lantfred, Translatio, pp. 253–333, at 288–90 (§5).

53 Lantfred, Translatio, pp. 302–04 (§20), 330–32 (§38), 332 (§39); Wulfstan of Winchester, Narratio Metrica de S. Swithuno, The Cult of St Swithun, ed. M. Lapidge (Oxford, 2003), pp. 335–551, at 498 (§2).

54 Rio, Slavery, pp. 228–29.

55 In Beowulf, the dragon’s hoard is first infiltrated by a possible slave who initially sought shelter on the run from a brutal master. The man’s status is unclear, however, as a lacuna in the manuscript can be filled with þeo or þeow (slave), þeof (thief), or even þegn (thegn). Klaeber’s Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, ed. R. D. Fulk, R. E. Bjork and J. D. Niles, 4th edn. (Toronto, 2008), pp. 75–76 (ll. 2221–31), with commentary at pp. 237–38.

56 Gesetze I, 3–8; ed. Attenborough, pp. 5–17.

57 Gesetze I, 14; ed. Attenborough, pp. 30–1.

58 Wormald, ‘“Inter cetera”’, pp. 179–99; Lambert, Law & Order, pp. 207–10; Lambert, T. B., ‘Theft, Homicide and Crime in Late Anglo-Saxon Law’, Past & Present 214 (2012), 343, at 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 Gesetze I, 171–2; ed. Attenborough, pp. 148–49.

60 Author’s translation from the text in Gesetze I, 172. See also ed. Attenborough, pp. 150–1.

61 The collective payment could refer to slaves’ ability in England to earn money on their own time, first attested in Alfred’s laws of the late ninth century (see p. 10, n. 30). This would suggest some degree of legal autonomy, but the payment is just as likely, if not more so, to be a punishment inflicted on the slave-owner who must provide compensation on behalf of his or her property.

62 Gesetze I, 3 (§11); ed. Attenborough, pp. 5–6. The Will of Æthelgifu, ed. Whitelock, p. 15.

63 Vita Prima, p. 121 (§14).

64 Vita Prima, pp. 120 (§11, §13) and 121 (§14).

65 Consider the tools and livestock accessible to the swineherds and shepherds of Æthelgifu’s will or the unfree ploughman of Ælfric’s Colloquy: the Will of Æthelgifu, ed. Whitelock, pp. 11 and 15; Garmonsway, Ælfric’s Colloquy, pp. 20–21.

66 See above, p. 10, n. 30.

67 Gesetze I, 191; ed. Robertson, pp. 14–15.

68 Wormald, P., The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Oxford, 1999), pp. 311–12Google Scholar.

69 Gesetze I, 202–4 (§5–6); ed. Robertson, pp. 14–15.

70 Sexual domination was an important component of enslavement, Wyatt, D., Slaves and Warriors in Medieval Britain and Ireland, 800–1200 (Leiden, 2008), pp. 123–71Google Scholar. See also William of Malmesbury’s assertion in his Life of Wulfstan, possibly deriving from the Old English exemplar, that enslaved women impregnated by their owners were sold in Bristol in the late eleventh century: William of Malmesbury, Vita Wulfstani, in William of Malmesbury: Saints’ Lives: Lives of ss. Wulfstan, Dunstan, Patrick, Benignus and Indract, ed. R. M. Thompson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 2002), p. 100. The extreme, literary example of Moriuht, composed in the early eleventh century, graphically describes the titular (male) main character’s sexual abuse while enslaved to vikings: Warner of Rouen, Moriuht, ed. C. J. McDonough (Toronto, 1995), p. 76.

71 Æthelberht §11 (Gesetze I, 3) and Alfred §25–25.1 (Gesetze I, 62–4); ed. Attenborough, pp. 5–6 and 74–5.

72 Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, ed. A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1869–78), III [covering the early English church from 590 to 870, hereafter Councils 590–870], 189 (I.xiv.27); The Irish Penitentials, ed. L. Bieler (Dublin, 1963), pp. 78–80 (§20).

73 Gesetze I, 9–10 (§5); ed. Attenborough, pp. 18–19.

74 Brihtwold to Forthhere, Councils 590–870, p. 284.

75 Rio, Slavery, pp. 195–97.

76 Formulae Morbacenses 5, in Formulae Merowingici et Karolini Aevi, ed. C. Zeumer, MGH (Hanover, 1886), p. 331. See also the discussion of this event in the context of collective peasant disputes in Europe in Wickham, Framing, pp. 578–88.

77 Gesetze I, 354; ed. Robertson, pp. 206–07.

78 Gesetze I, 354; ed. Robertson, pp. 208–09.

79 The Ancient Laws and Institutes of Ireland, ed. and trans. W. N. Hancock, T. O’Mahony, A. G. Richey, W. M. Hennessy and R. Atkinson, 6 vols. (Dublin, 1865–1901) III, 179–81.

80 Ancient Laws III, 175–79.

81 Gesetze I, 13 (§13); ed. Attenborough, pp. 26–27.

82 Wihtred §15 (Gesetze I, 13), VII Æthelred §2.4 (Gesetze I, 260), II Cnut §46.2 (Gesetze I, 344); ed. Attenborough, pp. 26–27; ed. Robertson, pp. 94–95 and 198–99.

83 Edward and Guthrum §7–8 (Gesetze I, 132) and Northumbrian Priests’ Law §56 (Gesetze I, 383); ed. Attenborough, pp. 106–07; translation of Northumbrian Priests’ Law in The Political Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York, ed. A. Rabin (Manchester, 2015), p. 204. The Old English Canons of Theodore, ed. R. D. Fulk and S. Jurasinski (Oxford, 2012), p. 3 (§6).

84 Gesetze I, 78 (§43); ed. Attenborough, pp. 86–87. This was still in practice by Wulfstan’s time, as he references it himself, Wulfstan of York, Sermo Lupi, pp. 52–53 (recension C).

85 Pelteret, Slavery, pp. 152–55.

86 Lantfred, Translatio, pp. 330–2 (§38), 332 (§39) and 302 (§20).

87 See above, pp. 14–15.

88 Wickham, ‘Looking Forward’, p. 158. For an overview of the Stellinga revolt and its context, see Wickham, Framing, pp. 585–88.

89 Bradley, K., ‘Resisting Slavery at Rome’, The Cambridge World History of Slavery, I: The Ancient Mediterranean World, ed. Bradley, K. and Cartledge, P. (Cambridge, 2011), 362–84, at 365.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

90 Popović, A., The Revolt of African Slaves in Iraq in the 3rd/9th Century (Princeton, 1999), pp. 153–54Google Scholar.

91 Encyclopaedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion, ed. J. P. Rodriquez, 2 vols. (London, 2007), I, xliv.

92 Compared to the 392 revolts identified on the Middle Passage during a two-hundred-year period: Richardson, D., ‘Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade’, The William and Mary Quarterly 58.1 (2001), 6992, at 73CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

93 Wickham, Framing, pp. 140–42 and 585–88.

94 Geggus, D., Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington, IN, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cartledge, P., ‘Rebels and Sambos in Classical Greece: a Comparative View’, CRUX: Essays in Greek History presented to G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, ed. Cartledge, P. and Harvey, F. (London, 1985), pp. 1646 Google Scholar; Urbainczyk, Slave Revolts, pp. 4–27; Hunt, Ancient Greek, pp. 169–71; Bradley, Slavery and Rebellion, pp. 15–17. Cf. the criteria put forward in 1973 by O. Patterson which best suits an early modern Jamaican context, i.e., ‘where the economy is dominated by large-scale, monopolistic enterprise’, ‘Slavery and Slave Revolts: a Sociohistorical Analysis of the First Maroon War, 1665–1740’, Maroon Societies, ed. Price, pp. 246–92, at 288–89.

95 Genovese, E., From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge, LA, 1979), pp. 1143 Google Scholar.

96 Geggus, Haitian, pp. 60–62.

97 Geggus, Haitian, p. 62.

98 See p. 6, n. 18. Genovese, From Rebellion, p. 14.

99 Kennedy, H., The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: the Islamic Near East from the 6th to the 11th Century, 3rd edn. (London, 2015), p. 181 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 A reference to the exile of one Eadric, ‘king of the ceorlas’ (OE ceorla kyning) by Cnut hints that some individuals were capable of rousing the free peasantry for support, but this does not clarify any leadership of or amongst the unfree. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS D, ed. G. P. Cubbin, AS Chronicle: a Collaborative Edition 6 (Cambridge, 1996), 63, s. a. 1017.

101 For discussion of this context outside of England, see Wickham, C., ‘Space and Society in Early Medieval Peasant Conflicts’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi Sull’alto Medioevo 50 (2003), 551–85 at 573-4Google Scholar.

102 Dyer, C., Everyday Life in Medieval England (London, 1994), p. 191 Google Scholar; Hilton, R., Bond Men Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381, 2nd edn. (Abingdon, 2003), p. 96 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 The Annals of Ulster, ed. and trans. S. Mac Airt and G. Mac Niocaill (Dublin, 1983), s. a. 989, p. 421. For further references see Downham, C., Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland: the Dynasty of Ivarr to A.D. 1014 (Edinburgh, 2007), p. 252 Google Scholar.

104 New laws regarding violent offenses are generally absent in legislation from the tenth century onwards as this was not the focus of royal interest (unlike theft). Lambert, Law & Order, pp. 181–83.

105 Æthelberht §86 (Gesetze I, 8) and Hlothere and Eadric §1, §3 (Gesetze I, 9); ed. Attenborough, pp. 16–17 and 18–19.

106 Gesetze I, 120; ed. Attenborough, pp. 60–61.

107 Ancient Laws III, 179–81.

108 Snyder, T. L., The Power to Die: Slavery and Suicide in British North America (Chicago, 2015), p. 24 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109 Bradley, ‘Resisting’, pp. 377–78; Murray, A., Suicide in the Middle Ages, II: the Curse on Self-Murder (Oxford, 2000), pp. 179–81 and 433–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

110 Murray, Suicide, pp. 113–17 and 194–200.

111 Reynolds, A., Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burial Customs (Oxford, 2009), pp. 214–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers, as well as Alice Rio, David Kalhous, Lois Lane, and the attendees of the Oxford Medieval History seminar for their constructive comments on this work.