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Datcha—Stadia—Halikarnassos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 December 2013

Extract

The opinion of Captain T. A. B. Spratt that the ruins at Datcha represent the Dorian city of Akanthos has naturally been adopted by subsequent cartographers as being that of the one man who has thoroughly explored the Knidian peninsula. The identification rests, like so many others, on slight evidence owing to the meagreness of ancient records concerning the city in question: added local knowledge makes another identification seem preferable.

The inhabitants of Syme, on the authority of M. Chaviaras, himself a Symiote, to this day refer to the site as Stadia (Σταδία), of which Datcha is in reality only a dialectic variant with the Σ elided, as so often, by false analogy. The existence of a town called Stadia on this coast can be traced from Pliny downwards. The latter places a town variously called Pegusa or Stadia near Knidos—Est in promontorio Cnidus libera, Triopia, dein Pegusa et Stadia appellata: the name Pegusa is readily explained by the springs in the plain of Datcha, and the comparative obscurity of the town by the fact that it was in ancient times subordinate to Knidos.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1912

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References

page 211 note 1 Remarks on the Dorian Peninsula and Gulf (Archaeologia, xlix. 1886), 347Google Scholar.

page 211 note 2 Συλλογὴ Χγ.᾿Επιγραφῶν in Viz. Vrem. xv. (1908)Google Scholar, cf. B.C.H. xxxiv. 425Google Scholar, xxxvi. 529.

page 211 note 3 H.N. v. 104Google Scholar.

page 211 note 4 Spratt, loc. cit. p. 356.

page 211 note 5 Cf. Hdt. i. 174Google Scholar and inscriptions, Ath. Mitt. xxxvi. 97Google Scholar.

page 211 note 6 Lequien, i. 917 (Σταδϵίας).

page 211 note 7 xxviii. p. 49.

page 211 note 8 i. 310, cf. 220.

page 212 note 1 Tomaschek, in Sitzber. Ak. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Cl. xxiv. (1891), p. 40Google Scholar.

page 212 note 2 Sathas, Ap., Mon. Hist. Hell. vii. 269270Google Scholar.

page 212 note 3 Class. Mus v. 183 f.Google Scholar; Halicarnassus, i. 75Google Scholar.

page 212 note 4 See Newton, opp. citt. : Guichard's account is also reprinted in Ross, , Reisen n. Kos, etc. p. 50Google Scholar. The discovery of the passage seems to be due to Lacroix, (Mem. de l'Int., Classe d'Histoire, ii. 1815)Google Scholar.

page 212 note 5 Adler, (Mausoleum, p. 5)Google Scholar regards the whole account as too fanciful to be of practical use. Torr treats it as folk-lore and derives it from an Eastern source (Class. Rev. i. 79Google Scholar).

page 212 note 6 Cf. e.g. Atlas Catalan (1375) in Not. et Extr. xiv. 102Google Scholar, where both Stadia and Mesi are marked.

page 212 note 7 Spratt (op. cit. 355) mentions ‘arches forming the basement of a large building” at Datcha.

page 213 note 1 Halicarnassus, ii. 647Google Scholar.

page 213 note 2 De Bell. Rhod. ii. 1Google Scholar. Petrea quam ex ruinis Halicarnassi, Piramidisque Mausoli sepulchri … struere coepit Henricus Schlegelholt eques Germanus. ‘Essone von Slegleoltz’ (? Hesso von Schlägelholz), Grand Prior of Germany in 1412 (Bosio. ii. 3, 130Google Scholar). is evidently identical.

page 213 note 3 Cf. Marulli, , Vite dei Gran Maestri (1636), 389Google Scholar, and the MS. map of Kos by Martelli, H. (B.M. Add. MS. 15, 760)Google Scholar which shows a conventional tower E. of S. Peter's marked Turris turchorum distat ab castello sancti petri per tres leucas.

page 213 note 4 The name of Budrum before the building of the castle is not known: Budrum ( = dungeon, vault) is of course a perversion of Petronion, the Byzantine name for S. Peter's, still in use, it is said, amongst the Symiotes.

page 213 note 5 Edn. of Frankfort, 1842, p. 99Google Scholar. The author wrote about 1375–8 and a German version was current at the end of the fourteenth century. The identification of Tarsus-Tarshish and its association with the Three Kings is however much earlier, cf. the Itinerarium (1211) of Willebrand von Oldenburg.

page 214 note 1 Cf. Wey, W., Itinerary (14581462) p. 118Google Scholar: Castellum Sympere vocabatur quondam Tharsis … et ibi est lapis super quem steterunt tres reges Colonie quando accepiebant naves in patrias suas. Ibid. p. 94: Sympere ubi quondam erat civitas Tarsys ad cuius portam tres reges Coloniae accipiebant naves et post eorum transitum Herodes in spiritu violenti Tarcensium combussit naves. Ibi eciam Sanctus Paulus … erat in sua juventate nutritus. Lengerand (1485), p. 104: (Chastel S. Pierre) qui se soulloit appeller la cite de Tarce dont les trois roys vinrent pour aourer nostre Seigneur, reges Tarsis et Insuie etc., et combien que leurs corps n'y sont, leurs tombeaux y sont en marbre grands et hauts.

page 214 note 2 It was probably at this time that the fine slab of frieze now in the British Museum (Catal. ii. No. 1022) came to Genoa.

page 214 note 3 Arch. Stor. Lomb. ann. xiii. 1886, pp. 99 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 214 note 4 Ibid. p. 99.

page 214 note 5 Ibid. 108, cf. 106 (1507).

page 214 note 6 Pilgrimage of Sir R. Guylforde, p. 59.

page 214 note 7 Loc. cit. p. 106.

page 214 note 8 J.H.S. xxix. 367Google Scholar.

page 214 note 9 Allan, , Pictorial Tour, 39Google Scholar; Newton, , Halicarnassus, ii. 654Google Scholar.

page 215 note 1 Cf. de Rivera, Enriquez (Viaze [15181520] p. 154)Google Scholar, ‘A vn buen tiro de ballista ay unas paredes, adonde era la ciudad de Alicarnasso: y ado estava la sepultura de Artemisia’; de Salignac, B., Itin. Terrae Sanctae (1525) xvGoogle Scholar. ‘Castrum Sancti Petri in continenti quo Alicarnasson civitas suo dionysio olim famata erat.’ Tschudi, L., however (Reyss [1519] p. 80)Google Scholar identifies Halikarnassos with Mesi like Cippico: ‘Halikarnassos jetzt Mesi genannt.’

page 215 note 2 Cf. Leunclavius, , Pandect. Hist. Turc § 217Google Scholar and the discussion in Wheler's, Voyage, p. 275Google Scholar. The identification Budrum-Halikarnassos seems to have been generally accepted after Gouffier, Choiseul (Voy. Pitt. i. [1782] 152)Google Scholar, but even Beaufort (1813) does not yet regard the question as finally settled, and Gropius in 1803 still identifies the ruins of Iasos with Halikarnassos, an error started by Pickering (Wheler, loc. cit.).

page 215 note 3 Dinsmoor, in A.J.A. xii. 17Google Scholar.

page 215 note 4 The occurrence of the device and motto beside the arms of Fluviano, G. M. Antonio (Belabre, Rhodes, p. 16Google Scholar, Fig. 2, cf. p. 88) shew that there is a punning allusion to his name.

page 216 note 1 ‘Versu tertio praeter numeros 6513 qui annum sistunt post chr. 1005 nihil video.’

page 216 note 2 Newton, , Halicarnassus, p. 650Google Scholar.

page 216 note 3 Cf. the Greek inscriptions of the Gattelusi in the Thracian Islands (Conze, , Reise, Pl. III. 4, 7Google Scholar; C.I.G. 8777) and Phocaea, (B.S.A. xv. 258)Google Scholar, and of Pandolfo Malatesta at Patras, (C.I.G. 8776 = Pouqueville, iv. 356Google Scholar = Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, vi. 105, vii. 95, cf. Duchesne, and Bayet, , Mém. sur le Mont Athos, 136Google Scholar (200)).

page 216 note 4 B.S.A. xvii. 76, ffGoogle Scholar.

page 216 note 5 Comptes Rendus, 1892, p. 35Google Scholar f.: cf. Reinach, S., Chron. d'Or., II. 103Google Scholar.