² Herakleion, Archaeological Museum Λ 95. For previous bibliography, line drawings and colour illustrations: K–A 61–2, no. 39. Phillips, , Impact, 519–23, 1041–2Google Scholar (ill.), no. 132.

³ Recently scholars have been cautious about using the User statue to link MM II Crete and MK Egypt: e.g. Watrous, L. Vance, ‘Review of Aegean prehistory III: Crete from earliest prehistory through the Protopalatial period’, AJA 98 (1994), 749CrossRefGoogle Scholar (= Cullen 211) (‘User … may … be a sign of links with Middle Kingdom Egypt’).

⁴ Helms, M. W., Ulysses' Sail: An Ethnographic Odyssey of Power, Knowledge, and Geographical Distance (Princeton, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Evans (‘Knossos. I’, 26) originally called this ‘The Eastern Court’.

⁶ Evans, ‘Knossos. I’, 27 (‘about 12 metres from the front of the “Megaron” steps’), pl. xiii (‘Knossos: ground plan of the Palace’); Evans, , PM i. 286Google Scholar.

⁷ Day Book of the Knossos Excavations, quoted by Palmer, in Palmer-Boardman, xxiv n. 1. Boardman (ibid. 29) records the original note: ‘just on [corrected from ‘above’] the pavement about .70 down’.

⁸ Evans, , ‘Knossos. I’, 27Google Scholar. For further comments on the stratigraphy: Panagiotaki, M., The Central Palace Sanctuary at Knossos (BSA suppl. 31; London, 1999), 254Google Scholar.

⁹ PM i. 286. For the discrepancy between the notebooks and the final reports: Palmer, in Palmer–Boardman, p. x.

¹⁰ Evans, , ‘Knossos. I’, 27–8, 64Google Scholar.

¹¹ Hall based his view on Burrows, R. M., The Discoveries in Crete and Their Bearing on the History of Ancient Civilization (London, 1907), 66Google Scholar.

¹² For images of the notebooks (AE/NB 1913, 84) that show LM II pottery: Palmer–Boardman, pls. xi–xii.

¹³ Pomerance, , ‘Tomb Robbers’, 25Google Scholar; Betancourt, P. P. and Weinstein, G. A., ‘Carbon-14 and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age in the Aegean’, AJA 80 (1976), 336CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cadogan, G., ‘Early Minoan and Middle Minoan chronology’, AJA 87 (1983), 516CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rehak-Younger, 139 (= Cullen, 431) (‘not certainly in a MM IIB context at Knossos’); (‘in a chronologically problematic context’).

¹⁴ PM i. 287 (‘that the diorite monument belonged to this widespread M.M. II stratum there can be no reasonable doubt’); PM iii. 5. Wace, A. J. B., in CAH i (1923), 175Google Scholar reported that User was ‘unearthed’ in a MM stratum.

¹⁵ Pendelbury, , Aegyptiaca, 22, no. 29Google Scholar (Context: M.M. II b pottery); Pendlebury, , Crete, 143Google Scholar; Pendlebury, , Palace, 4Google Scholar (‘in an M.M. II stratum’).

¹⁶ Matz, F., ‘The maturity of Minoan civilization’, in CAH² i (1973), 143Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Palmer, L. R., A New Guide to the Palace of Knossos (London, 1969), 18Google Scholar; id., ‘The Khyan Lid Deposit at Knossos’, Kadmos, 20 (1981), 108, 120–1. See also Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 179Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Wotzka, H.-P., ‘The abuse of User: a note on the Egyptian statuette from Knossos’, BSA 85 (1990), 449–53Google Scholar. Phillips, (Impact, 520)Google Scholar observes that the context should be ‘no earlier than MM III’.

¹⁹ Wotzka, , ‘Abuse of User’ (n. 18), 449Google Scholar; see also Warren, ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 3Google Scholar (‘it had no chronological context at Knossos’).

²⁰ It is clear that Evans, (‘Egyptian Relations’, 66)Google Scholar was aware of the Kamares ware pottery in MK contexts at Kahun, and this may have influenced his interpretation of the stratigraphy and context of the statue—rightly recognized as MK—at Knossos.

²¹ Evans illustrated the piece in the day-book (25 Apr. 1900): ‘On K.S. side of paved court was found the lower part of an Egyptian statuette of diorite representing a seated figure with a fat paunch—suggestion of Akhenaten’—which is conveniently found in Pomerance, , ‘Tomb Robbers’, 26Google Scholar, fig. 4. See also MacGillivray, J. A., Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of the Minoan Myth (New York, 2000), 186, 196Google Scholar.

²² Evans, , ‘Knossos. I’, 27Google Scholar (‘There seems to be a consensus of opinion among Egyptologists’); id., ‘Egyptian Relations’, 66 (citing F. Ll. Griffith, ‘the long compound name of the person figured is very strange and perhaps points to the last days of the XIIth or to the XIIIth Dynasty’, and F. Petrie and E. A. Wallis Budge, who ‘assign the monument to the XIIth Dynasty’); Hall 1909, 224 (‘towards the end of the Middle Kingdom’); PM i. 286 (‘late Middle Kingdom style’), 289; Evers, ii. 96 (12th Dynasty, reign of Amenemhet I); Steindorff, 174, under no. 117 (18th Dynasty); Smith, S., ‘Middle Minoan I–II and Babylonian Chronology’, AJA 49. 1 (1945), 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Palmer, , New Guide (n. 17), 18Google Scholar; Ward, W. A., Egypt and the East Mediterranean World 2200–1900 BC: Studies in Egyptian Foreign Relations During the First Intermediate Period (Beirut, 1971), 80–1Google Scholar; Betancourt, and Weinstein, , ‘Carbon-14’ (n. 13), 336Google Scholar. A convenient table can be found in Edel, 125.

²³ Herakleion, Archaeological Museum Λ 95. The present height is 15.8 cm.

²⁴ In Evans, , ‘Egyptian Relations’, 65–6Google Scholar. Griffith became Reader in Egyptology in 1901. For details of his career: Simpson, R. S., ‘Griffith, Francis Llewellyn (1862–1934)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004), available at www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/33579 (accessed 31 Jan. 2005)Google Scholar.

²⁵ In Evans, , ‘Egyptian Relations’, 65Google Scholar.

²⁶ Evans, , ‘Knossos. I’, 27Google Scholar; id., ‘Egyptian Relations’, 65–6, with pl. This is the name used by Wace, A. J. B., in CAH i (1923), 175Google Scholar.

²⁷ Hall had studied Egyptology in Oxford before moving to the British Museum; he became Keeper in 1924. See Wilson, D. M., The British Museum: A History (London, 2002), 201–2Google Scholar.

²⁸ Hall 1909, 223–4.

²⁹ PM i. 287.

³⁰ Pendlebury, , Aegyptiaca, 22Google Scholar, no. 29, essentially the text cited in PM i. 287; id., Palace, 46; id., Crete, 143 (though mentioning the more complex name).

³¹ Steindorff, 173–4; see also Ward 1961, 28 for a correction to the chronology. Phillips, J. S. (Impact, 521 n. 94)Google Scholar rejects the link between the scarab and the statue as ‘no longer … tenable’.

³² Ward 1961.

³³ Ibid., 28. See id., Titles of the Middle Kingdom, 90–1, no. 755 (wdpw, Butler).

³⁴ Ward, W. A., ‘Lexicographical miscellanies’, SAK 5 (1977), 269–71Google Scholar; id., Titles of the Middle Kingdom, 92, no. 773 (wdh nbw, Caster of Gold). Ward cites User as the only example of this title.

³⁵ Edel, 128–30; see also Helck², 39. Phillips, (Impact, 519)Google Scholar presents the translation as ‘caster (?) of gold’. An alternative view, proposed by Helck¹, 47, considered User to have been a prospector for gold and stone (or granite) (Granit- und Goldsucher), but Edel's suggestion has now been accepted in Helck², 39. For these titles see Aufrère, S., L'univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne, ii (Bibliothèque d'étude, 105/2; Cairo, 1991)Google Scholar.

³⁶ PM i. 289. Evans quotes the 10th Nome as being the Aphroditopolite nome. It was named Aphroditopolis in the Ptolemaic Period perhaps because Hathor the goddess of the town was associated with Aphrodite. However, Baines, J. and Málek, J., Atlas of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 1980)Google Scholar give this nome as Antaeopolis. See Gardiner, A. H., Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947), 52Google Scholar. The modern town of Qaw el-Kebir was the original capital of the 10th Wadjet nome and was later named Antaeopolis in the Ptolemaic Period. This is now used for the name of the nome.

³⁷ Gardiner, , Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (n. 36), 55, 61Google Scholar. The sign is found in the Onomasticon of Amenope in the list of towns. The determinative for ‘town’ is often omitted as it is thought to be here. The site of this town has not been positively identified. Wadjet was not the capital of the Wadjet nome; this was Tjebu, later named Antaeopolis and finally Qaw el-Kebir.

³⁸ PM ii. 1. 289.

³⁹ Edel, 131. For scepticism of this translation see Helck², 39, and 226 n. 11b, who offers an alternative translation of ‘producer of serpentine beads’.

⁴⁰ Simpson, W. K., The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven, 1974), 3Google Scholar. Statues and stelae were left by dependants and descendants of the owners of the Middle Kingdom memorial chapels or ‘cenotaphs’ at Abydos to receive offerings and be associated with the Osirian cult ceremonies. See also O'Connor, D., ‘The “Cenotaphs” of the Middle Kingdom at Abydos’, in Posener-Kriéger, P. (ed.), Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar (Cairo, 1985), ii. 161–77Google Scholar. Statues of Middle Kingdom officials were placed in the sanctuary of the deified Heqaib in Elephantine and in temples where they could benefit from the offerings made during the cult rituals. See Habachi, L., Elephantine iv: The Sanctuary of Heqaib (Mainz, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Edel, 132.

⁴² This is the title of the god Re, the president of the tribunal of gods who assessed the dead.

⁴³ Phillips, (Impact, 519)Google Scholar provides a translation for the texts, using the form ‘Weser’.

⁴⁴ Ward 1979.1

⁴⁵ Mentioned by Watrous, ‘Review of Aegean Prehistory III’ (n. 3) (= Cullen, 211) with reference to PM i. 286–90. See also Smith, , ‘Influence’, 279Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ e.g. at Gezer.

⁴⁷ Chéhab, ‘Liban’, 1 noted a 13th Dynasty sculpture from Tell Hizzin in the Beka'a, and 12th Dynasty sphinx from Beirut.

⁴⁸ For the formula: Taylor, John H., Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (London, 2001), 96Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ We use ‘mortuary’ of artefacts that pertain in general to the cult of the dead and so could be for the tomb or temple or cenotaph; ‘funerary’ specifically of those used as part of the burial and deceased's cult in his tomb.

⁵⁰ Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 178Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar. For a review of the chronology at Gaza: Albright, W. F., ‘The chronology of a South Palestinian city, Tell el-Ajjul’, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 55 (1938), 337–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² Phillips, (‘Tomb-robbers’, 175)Google Scholar notes for the Ras Shamra figures: ‘Since two statuettes represented a vizier and a princess, they could have been presentation gifts or be from another, non-funerary, source.’

⁵³ See the helpful comments by Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 56Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Rehak-Younger, 139 (= Cullen, 431). For User in an eastern Mediterranean context: Uphill, E., ‘User and his Place in Egypto-Minoan History’, BICS 31 (1984), 213Google Scholar. For a distribution map: Vercoutter, J., L'Egypte et le monde égéen préhellénique: étude critique des sources égyptiennes (Institut français d'archéologie orientale, Bibliothèque d'étude, 22; Cairo, 1956), 48Google Scholar, fig. 150. They estimate at least 25 statuettes. Wilson, 231: ‘an ambassadorial post is a distinct possibility’. A convenient list can be found in Helck¹, 272–3 n. 6; revised at Helck² 225–6 n. 6. See also Phillips, , Impact, 522Google Scholar; Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 3Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ PM ii. 1. 220. See Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 3Google Scholar: ‘Possibly User visited Knossos and left his statuette to mark his presence’.

⁵⁶ PM ii. 1. 220.

⁵⁷ Ibid. Evans rejected the funerary theory on the assurance of unnamed Egyptologists.

⁵⁸ Pendlebury, , Crete, 145Google Scholar. See also id., Palace, 46, ‘perhaps ambassador’.

⁵⁹ Id., Crete, 143–4.

⁶⁰ For reservations: Ward 1961, 40–1, who instead suggests that he was ‘a hapless exile’.

⁶¹ However see Ward 1961, 131: ‘I am unable to see … an official who was at Ugarit as the resident commissioner of an Asiatic province’.

⁶² Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 11, and 13Google Scholar (‘if it arrived at the time of his floruit, suggests a diplomatic or commercial visit’).

⁶³ Schaeffer, C. F. A., Stratigraphie comparée et chronologie de l'Asie occidentale: III^e et II^e millénaires (London, 1948), 29Google Scholar, citing the examples from Boğ;azkale (then called Boğazköy) and Yahşihan (‘Kurigin Kaleh’).

⁶⁴ Breasted, J. H., ‘The Ras Shamra Statue of Sesostris-Onekh’, Syria 16 (1935), 318–19Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Breasted, , ‘Sesostis-Onekh’ (n. 64), 319Google Scholar, where he restores the text. Ward 1979, ‘Ugarit’, 804) rejects Breasted's reading and instead accepts Montet's.

⁶⁶ Ward, 1979, 804, ‘The phrase in question … is a variant of a well-known formula of self-praise and can hardly be invested with so literal a meaning.’

⁶⁷ See Newberry, P. E., El Bersheh. Part I: The Tomb of Tehuti-Hetep (Archaeological Survey of Egypt; London, 1894), 6Google Scholar, where he suggests Djehutyhotep ‘had the right to give passports over all the frontiers of Egypt’. See Cohen, , Canaanites, 8–9Google Scholar for earlier theories about ‘Egyptian administrative presence’ at Megiddo.

⁶⁸ Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 52Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Cf. Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 53Google Scholar, ’there is no evidence that the Sobeksnefru [sic] statuette came to Gezer in the Middle Kingdom’.

⁷⁰ The proximity of the statue's find-spot to the throne room has sometimes been seen as significant. We are grateful to Eric Uphill for his comments on this subject.

⁷¹ Smith, , Interconnections, 14–15Google Scholar.

⁷² Ward 1961, 28–2. See also Phillips, , Impact, 522Google Scholar.

⁷³ Ward 1961, 29.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 37.

⁷⁵ We are grateful to Eric Uphill for discussing this issue with us. See also Sat-Snefru as ‘a member of the household of some personage of higher position in the world’ (Winlock, 210).

⁷⁶ Ward 1961, 35–6.

⁷⁷ Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 2–3Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ e.g. Smith, , Interconnections, 14Google Scholar: ‘I have thought that these indicate that their owners travelled to these places carrying such small, portable pieces for their tombs in case they died in foreign lands’.

⁷⁹ Winlock, 210, ‘Journeying into what were, in her days, distant lands, with all her native Egyptian fear of the unknown she had provided herself with a little portrait statuette to house her spirit in case she found her grave there.’ Winlock also cites the statue of Hapi-djefa from Nubia.

⁸⁰ Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar commenting on statues from Gaza (Tell el-Ajjul) and Gezer comments, ‘It would … normally be assumed that these statuettes were brought to Palestine by their owners, the idea being that each would be buried with his owner should he die and have to be buried in Palestine.’

⁸¹ Ward 1961; see also Smith, , Interconnections, 15Google Scholar. The sanctuary of Heqaib attracted such dedications, but the inscriptions differ from those of User at Knossos; see Franke, D., Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine: Geschichte eines Provinzheiligtums im Mittleren Reich (Studien zur Archäologie und Geschicte Altägyptens 9; Heidelberg, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁸² Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 3Google Scholar.

⁸³ Brunton, G., Qau and Badari, iii (BSAE 50; London; 1930)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁵ Reisner, , Kerma I–III, 138Google Scholar (‘this … leaves no doubt that K III is the tomb of Prince Hepzefa’).

⁸⁶ Id., ‘Hepzefa’ (n. 84), 79.

⁸⁷ Smith, , ‘Influence’, 279Google Scholar, and see also 280, where Kerma is presented as a ‘trading port’; Shaw, , ‘Ceiling paintings’ (n. 84), 25 n. 7Google Scholar: ‘an important Egyptian trading port’. For a review of Reisner's theories: Wenig, S., Africa in Antiquity, ii: The Arts of Ancient Nubia and the Sudan. The Catalogue (Brooklyn, 1978), 31Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Hintze, F., ‘Das Kerma-Problem’, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, 91 (1964) 79–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also O'Connor, , ‘Political Systems’, 30–1Google Scholar; Dunham, D., Subsidiary Nubian Graves, Excavated by the Late George A. Reisner in 1915–1916, Not Included in his Excavations at Kerma, I–III and IV–V, Published by Him in the Harvard African Studies, Vand VI, 1923 (Excavations at Kerma, 6; Boston, 1982), p. ixGoogle Scholar (‘Reisner's view of Kerma as governed and controlled by Egypt in the Middle Kingdom was in error’).

⁸⁹ O'Connor, , ‘Political Systems’, 31Google Scholar. See also Wenig, , Africa in Antiquity (n. 87), 31Google Scholar (‘either booty brought in triumph … or gifts from the Hyksos kings’); Dunham, , Subidiary Nubian Graves (n. 88), p. xGoogle Scholar (‘in a period of Egyptian weakness and disorganization, possibly Dynasties XIV to XVI, such theft of desirable objects by a powerful Nubian of Kerma might well have been feasible’). For the context: Leclant, J., ‘Egypt in Nubia During the Old, Middle, and New Kingdoms’, in Africa in Antiquity, i: The Arts of Ancient Nubia and the Sudan. The Essays (Brooklyn, 1978), 66–7Google Scholar. See also Trigger, B. G., ‘Kerma: the rise of an African civilization’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 9. 1 (1976), 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Welsby, D. A. and Anderson, J. R. (eds.), Sudan: Ancient Treasures (London, 2004)Google Scholar. For the view that some material may have been brought by Egyptian embassies: Valbelle, D., ‘Egyptians on the Middle Nile’, in Sudan: Ancient Treasures (London, 2004), 94Google Scholar, citing Valbelle, D., ‘The cultural significance of iconographic and epigraphic data found in the kingdom of Kerma’, in Kendall, T. (ed.), Nubian Studies 1998: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of Nubian Studies (Boston, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ O'Connor, , ‘Political Systems’, 32Google Scholar, citing Reisner, , Kerma IV–V, 513Google Scholar nos. 31–2. Vivian Davies has uncovered (2002) a new text in the tomb of Sobeknakht (17th Dynasty) at Elkab which records a major invasion by the troops of the princedom of Kerma. He identifies the Middle Kingdom statues at Kerma as loot. See the preliminary reports: Davies, W. V., ‘Kush in Egypt: a new historical inscription’, Sudan & Nubia, 7 (2003), 52–4Google Scholar; id., ‘Kouch en Égypte: une nouvelle inscription historique à El-Kab’, Bulletin de la Société française d'Égyptologie, 157 (2003), 38–44; id., ‘Sobeknakht of Elkab and the Coming of Kush’, Egyptian Archaeology, 23 (2003), 3–6; id., in Sudan: Ancient Treasures (London, 2004), under no. 75; Welsby, Derek, ‘Coming of Kush’, British Museum Magazine, 50 (Winter 2004), 21Google Scholar: ‘[Reisner] found a large number of Egyptian objects at Kerma including two statues, of Prince Hepzefa and his wife Sennuwy … Reisner considered these tombs to be those of Egyptian officials in control of Kerma. In actual fact these objects are loot brought back by the victorious Kushite army from the north and ritually buried along with their kings …’ A short news report appeared in The Times (London), 28 July 2003, p. 8Google Scholar.

⁹¹ See Bourriau, J., ‘Relations between Egypt and Kerma during the Middle and New Kingdoms’, in Davies, W. V. (ed.), Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam (London, 1991), 130Google Scholar.

⁹² O'Connor, , ‘Political Systems’, 33Google Scholar, with 32 fig. 32, a map showing the possible sources of Middle Kingdom sculptures and artefacts found at Kerma and through the Levant. See also Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar.

⁹³ Pomerance, , ‘Tomb Robbers’, 23, fig. 1Google Scholar; see also Palmer, , ‘Khyan’ (n. 17), 109Google Scholar; Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 176Google Scholar. For a response to Pomerance: Warren, P. M., ‘Problems of chronology in Crete and the Aegean in the third and earlier second millennium’, AJA 84 (1980), 493CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁴ Herakleion, Archaeological Museum Λ 2409, 2410, 2411. K–A nos. 219–21. For the suggestion that the Thutmosis amphora is Syrian: Rehak-Younger, 157 (= Cullen, 449).

⁹⁵ See Pomerance, , ‘Tomb Robbers’, 22Google Scholar; Phillips, , ‘Tombrobbers’, 180Google Scholar; Rehak–Younger, 157 (= Cullen, 449).

⁹⁶ See also Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 183–6Google Scholar. For this as a theory for the distribution of stone bowls: Sparks, R. T., ‘Egyptian stone vessels and the politics of exchange (2617–1070 BC)’, in Matthews, R. and Roemer, C. (eds.), Ancient Perspectives on Egypt (Encounters with Ancient Egypt; London, 2003), 39–56Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Pomerance, , ‘Tomb Robbers’, 28–30Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 186Google Scholar. See also Phillips, , Impact, 522Google Scholar: ‘Weser [= User] himself almost certainly never set foot on Crete at all, and even may not have left his homeland.’

⁹⁹ Warren, , ‘Problems of chronology’ (n. 93), 493Google Scholar; Warren, , ‘Pharaonic Egypt’, 1–2Google Scholar. For Ayia Triada: K–A no. 5 (D6). For recent discussion: Bevan, A., ‘Reconstructing the role of Egyptian culture in the value regimes of the Bronze Age Aegean: stone vessels and their social contexts’, in Matthews, R. and Roemer, C. (eds), Ancient Perspectives on Egypt (Encounters with Ancient Egypt; London, 2003), 57–73Google Scholar; id., ‘Emerging civilized values? The consumption and imitation of Egyptian stone vessels in EMII–MMI Crete and its wider Eastern Mediterranean context’, in Barrett, J. C. and Halstead, P. (eds), The Emergence of Civilisation Revisited (Sheffield, 2004), 107–26Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Phillips, (‘Tomb-robbers’, 179)Google Scholar considers that the inscription suggested ‘that this was a funerary object’. However the royal epithet 'nh-wd̲',snb, recorded by Phillips is not in fact present on the statue and is not funerary.

¹⁰¹ Uphill (pers. comm.).

¹⁰² Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 227Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ See Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 56Google Scholar, ‘it might be suggested that the statuary was brought to Palestine by Palestinians, not Egyptians’. We are grateful to Thomas Schneider for his cautious approach to the theory that tombs were deliberately looted by the Hyksos rulers.

¹⁰⁴ Although there is no need to think that the statue arrived at Knossos later than the Bronze Age, there was clearly activity on the palatial sites during the Early Iron Age: Prent, M., ‘Glories of the past: ritual activities at palatial ruins in Early Iron Age Crete’, in van Dyke, R. M. and Alcock, S. E. (eds), Archaeological Memory (Oxford, 2003), 81–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ For reservations Carinci, F. M., ‘Western Messara and Egypt during the Protopalatial period: a minimalist view’, in Karetsou, A. (ed.), Κρήτη-Αίγυπτος Πολιτισμιχοίδεσμοί τριών χιλιετιών (Athens, 2000), 36Google Scholar. For Middle Bronze Age trade: Watrous, L. V., ‘Egypt and Crete in the Early Middle Bronze Age: a case of trade and cultural diffusion’, in Cline, E. H. and Cline, D. H. (eds), The Aegean and Orient in the Second Millennium, Proceedings of the 50th Anniversary Symposium, Cincinnati, 18–20 April 1997 (Aegaeum, 18; Liège, 1998), 19–28Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ On which see: Laffineur, R., ‘From West to East: the Aegean and Egypt in the Early Late Bronze Age’, in Cline and Cline (n. 105), 53–67Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ An image or drawing of the inscriptions has not been available for all the pieces listed in the appendix. Where there is a published translation this has been cited, though it should be noted that there are inconsistencies in the transliterations. This list does not include other Middle Kingdom material found outside Egypt. All translations are literal.

¹⁰⁸ Boston Museum of Fine Art 14.724. Alternative transliterations of name: Hepzefa. Porter–Moss 7, 176–8. Reisner, , Kerma I–III, 138Google Scholar, IV–V, 34 no. 27, 215, fig. 132, pl. 7, 2. For the name in the Lebanon at Tell Hizzin: Chéhab 1966, 22, pl. iv, 1.

¹⁰⁹ Reisner, , Kerma I–III, 138Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Reisner, , Kerma IV–V, 34, no. 27Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Boston, Museum of Fine Art 14. 720. Porter–Moss vii. 176–8. Kerma IV–V, 34–5, no. 32, pl. 7, 1, pl. 31. Image and photograph at: www.mfa.org.

¹¹² Kerma I–III, 138.

¹¹³ New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 18. 2. 2. Erman, A., ‘Eine ägyptische Statuette’, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 37 (1883), 440–2Google Scholar (with translation of text); Winlock, ; PM ii. 1., 220–1Google Scholar; Evers, i, pl. 62; Ward 1961, 36; Interconnections fig. 23; Porter–Moss 7, 398. Mentioned by Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 235Google Scholar: ‘Sit-Snefru may have been an Egyptian governess engaged by some Anatolian prince’. Noted by Helck¹, 273 n. 6; Helck², 225 n. 6.

¹¹⁴ According to Winlock, 209, the statue was ‘finally smuggled out of Turkey in a bag of potatoes which went to provision an English yacht’.

¹¹⁵ Schaeffer, , Stratigraphie comparée (n. 63), 29 n. 3Google Scholar (reported by K. Bittel). Noted in Porter–Moss vii. 399; Helck², 225 n. 6. See Bittel, Kurt, Boğazköy: Die Kleinfunde der Grabungen 1906–1912, i; Funde hethitischer Zeit (Leipzig, 1937), 23Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Ankara, Museum of Anatolian Civilizations 3477: Allen, T. George, ‘A Middle Kingdom Egyptian Contact with Asia Minor’, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 43 (1927), 294–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also von der Osten, H. H., ‘The Ancient Settlement at Kürigin Kaleh in Asia Minor’, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 43 (1927), esp. 100 fig. 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roeder, G., ‘Eine ägyptische Steinfigur aus Kleinasien’, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 30 (1927), 545–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Nachtrag’, in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 31 (1928), 426; noted by Ward 1961, 35; Helck¹, 273 n. 6; Helck², 225 n. 6; Porter–Moss vii. 399. Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 235Google Scholar: ‘Kerey may have been a merchant.’

¹¹⁷ Von der Osten, , ‘Kürigin Kaleh’ (n. 116), 100 notedGoogle Scholar: ‘The only explanation for its being in that situation is that it had been incidentally found in the late classical time during building activities which pierced the earlier strata and had been kept as a curiosity until it found its final resting place in the necropolis.’

¹¹⁸ Allen notes that the writing of the text is ‘crude’.

¹¹⁹ Uphill reminds us that the figures were found in or near an important temple.

¹²⁰ Aleppo Museum. Porter–Moss vii. 394; Schaeffer, C. F. A. et al. , Ugaritica, iv (Paris 1962), 213, fig. 19Google Scholar; Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 51Google Scholar; Perdu, O., ‘Khenemet-Nefer-Hedjet: une princesse et deux reines du Moyen Empire’, Revue d'Égyptologie, 29 (1977), 68–85Google Scholar; see also Chéhab, , ‘Liban’, 21Google Scholar. Smith, , Interconnections, 15Google Scholar suggested that Khnumet was the sister of Ita, whose statue was found at Qatna. For reservations about identification: Ward 1979, 801, 806. Ward dates the statue to the 12th Dynasty.

¹²¹ Ward 1979, 802 observes, ‘there is … no doubt that this object was found in a context contemporary to its general date, the Twelfth Dynasty’.

¹²² Ward 1979, 801. See also Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 51Google Scholar.

¹²³ Paris, Louvre, AO. 17223. Schaeffer, C. F. A., Syria, 15 (1934), pl. xiv, opp. p. 116CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Montet, P., ‘Appendice I. Note sur les inscriptions de Sanousrit-ankh’, 131–3Google Scholar; Breasted 1935; Montet, P., ‘A propos de la statuette de Sanousrit-Ankh’, Syria, 17 (1936), 202–3Google Scholar; Porter–Moss vii. 394; Ward 1961, 130; Smith, , Interconnections, 14, fig. 34Google Scholar; id., ‘Influences’, 279: ‘there as an Egyptian representative’. Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 231Google Scholar (‘men of commanding authority’; 235, ‘Egyptian high commissioner’); Helck¹, 273 n. 6; Helck², 225–26 n. 6; Ward 1979, 803–5.

¹²⁴ Translation based on Ward 1979, 804.

¹²⁵ Chéhab, M., ‘Relations entre l'Egypte et la Phénicie’, in Ward, W. A. (ed.), The Role of the Phoenicians in the Interaction of Mediterranean Civilizantions: Papers Presented to the Archaeological Symposium at the American University of Beirut; March, 1967 (Beirut, 1968), 4Google Scholar, pl. iii c, Chéhab, , ‘Liban’, 22, pl. iv. 1Google Scholar; Williams, B., Archaeology and Historical Problems of the Second Intermediate Period (PhD diss., Chicago, 1975), 1095Google Scholar; Helck², 225 n. 6. Chéhab links the personality with the Hapi-Djefa known from Nubia.

¹²⁶ Chéhab, , ‘Relations’ (n. 125), 5, pl. vi aGoogle Scholar; Chéhab, , ‘Liban’, 28, pl. iv. 2Google Scholar; Williams, , ‘Second Intermediate Period’ (n. 125), 1095Google Scholar; Helck², 225 n. 6.

¹²⁷ Porter–Moss vii. 388; Montet, P., ‘Les Égyptiens à Byblos’, Mon. Piot, 25 (1921–1922), 261Google Scholar, fig. 17; Dunand, , Fouilles de Byblos, i, pl. 40Google Scholar. See also Ward 1961, 155.

¹²⁸ Porter–Moss vii. 388; Fouilles de Byblos, i, pl. 40. We are grateful to E. Uphill for his observations on the context for this statue.

¹²⁹ We are grateful to Underhill for these observations.

¹³⁰ Chéhab, , ‘Liban’, 27Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Chicago, Oriental Institute A 18622. Porter–Moss vii. 381; Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’; Loud, G. (ed.), Megiddo II: Seasons of 1935–9 (The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications,. 62; Chicago, 1948), pl. 265Google Scholar; Ward 1961, 40; Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 54Google Scholar. The tomb of this individual is known at el-Berseh; see Smith, W. S., ‘Paintings of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom at Bersheh’, AJA 55. 4 (1951), 321–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For wider discussion of the context at Megiddo: Williams, B. and Logan, T. J., ‘Oriental Institute Museum Notes, No. 14: A basalt royal or divine figure from Megiddo’, JNES 48 (1989), 125–9Google Scholar. Noted by Helck¹, 27 n. 6; Helck², 225 n. 6. Other comparable Middle Kingdom pieces were found with the statue in the platform wall: Loud, Megiddo II, pls. 266–7. See also Cohen, , Canaanites, 8–9Google Scholar.

¹³² Stratum VII is the equivalent of Late Bronze Age II, which Loud compared to Egyptian 19th Dynasty and early 20th: Loud, , Megiddo II, 5Google Scholar. The suggestion that the statue was probably originally from Stratum XV (and therefore Middle Bronze Age I/Egyptian 12th Dynasty) assumed that the statue had arrived at Megiddo at the time that it was made (see Loud, Megiddo II, comments on pl. 265). Loud ap. Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 226Google Scholar noted that the statue was ‘incorporated into the rubble of which the temple platform was built’. He suggested that the statues were encountered by the builders of the eastern temple when cutting the foundations which reached Stratum XV. Weinstein, (‘Sobeknefru’, 54)Google Scholar ascribes the temple to Stratum VIIA, ‘which dates no earlier than the fourteenth century’.

¹³³ We are grateful to Uphill for these comments. For the 12th Dynasty tomb: Newberry, El Bersheh I (n. 67). He was contemporary with Sensuret II and Senusret III. Djehutyhotep was not buried in the tomb at El Bersheh. Newberry, ibid. 8, suggested that his final resting place was at Memphis.

¹³⁴ Translation from Wilson, , ‘Megiddo’, 227Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Griffith, F. Ll., ‘The Egyptian statuette from Gezer’, Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Study (1906) 121–2Google Scholar; Macalister, ii. 311–12. Helck¹, 273 n. 6; Helck², 225 n. 6; Porter–Moss vii. 374; Ward 1961, 42; Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar. The lower part of a 13th Dynasty Middle Kingdom ushabti of the citizen Dedu-Amon was also found at Gezer: Macalister, Macalister, ii. 312–13. Porter–Moss 78, 374; Helck¹, 273 n. 6; Helck², 225 n. 6. See also Cohen, , Canaanites, 79Google Scholar where the lack of Egyptian evidence from MB II A contexts was noted.

¹³⁶ The context should perhaps be considered as MBA II.

¹³⁷ Macalister, ii. 311–12, translated by F. Ll. Griffith, who dated it no later than 12th Dynasty. For findspot: Macalister, iii, pl. ii, col. 29.

¹³⁸ Macalister, ii. 312–13; Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 51Google Scholar; see also Phillips, , ‘Tomb-robbers’, 174–5Google Scholar. Also noted by Cohen, , Canaanites, 79Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Ancient Gaza I: Tell El Ajjul (London, 1931), 8Google Scholar, pls. xxi f. Petrie considered the piece to be ‘a good imitation, but not truly Egyptian’. Noted by Ward 1961, 42. This appears to be a funerary piece.

¹⁴¹ Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 54Google Scholar. This implies a MB II context.

¹⁴² Weinstein, , ‘Sobeknefru’, 55Google Scholar discusses possible errors in the text and suggests a possible confusion of the personal name with the title which might mean that the deceased was a foreman.

¹⁴³ Herakleion, Archaeological Museum Λ 95. Evans, , ‘Knossos. I’, 27Google Scholar; Evans, , ‘Egyptian Relations’, 65–6, pl. 65Google Scholar; PM i. 286–90, fig. 220, ii. 1. 219–20; Evers, , Staat aus dem Stein, ii. 96Google Scholar; Pendlebury, , Aegyptiaca, 22, no. 29, pl. iiGoogle Scholar; Steindorff, 173; Ward 1961, 27–9. For a detailed bibliography: K–A 61–2, no. 39.