² On the theatre see Fossum, A., ‘The Theatre at Sikyon’, AJA 9 (1905), 263–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Fiechter, W., Das Theater in Sikyon (Stuttgart 1931Google Scholar). For the excavation reports of the Archaeological Society see the PAE for 1932 to 1939, 1941, 1951 to 1954, 1984, and 1987 to 1988. See also the selective bibliography in http://extras.ha.uth.gr/sikyon.

³ To this end, the University of Thessaly in collaboration with the Institute of Mediterranean Studies and the 37th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities have begun in 2004 a geophysical survey of the ancient agora as part of an intensive survey of the entire urban area; see our webpage at http://extras.ha.uth.gr/sikyon.

⁴ άναστρέψασι δέ ἐς τὴν όδόν διαβᾶσί τε αύϑις τόνΆσωπὸν ϰαὶ ἐς ϰοϱυφὴν ὄϱους ἥξασιν, ἐνταῦϑα λέγουσιν οὶ ὲπιχώριοι Τιτᾶνα οὶχῆσαι πρῶτον εὶναι δ᾿ ὰδελφὸν Ηλίου χαί ὰπὸ τοὺτου χληϑῆναι Τιτάνην τὸ Χωρίον (Paus. ii. 11. 5). The derivation of Titane from Titan has been disputed by scholars, and the place-name instead associated with the noun τίτανος, meaning white, chalky earth, on the grounds of the nature of the terrain: RE s.v. (1937) col. 1492 [Wüst].

⁵ Paus. vii. 23. 8: έπεὶ χαὶ ἐν Τιτάνη τῆς Σιχυωνίων τὸ αὺτὸ ᾶγαλμα Γγείαν τε όνομάξεσϑαι; a Thessalian Titane is mentioned by Eust. (Il. 1. 519, ll. 13–15).

⁶ Ross, 26–8. Gell, W. (Itinerary of the Morea (London, 1817), 17Google Scholar) had placed it on the hill of Profitis Elias of Paradeisi, while Leake, W. M. (Travels in the Morea (London, 1830), iii. 376Google Scholar) thought that the summit of Vesiza was Mount Titane. Both travellers were probably confused by Pausanias' description of the site, as a χορυφὴν ŏρους . As Langdon, M. has pointed out in ‘Mountains in Greek religion’, CW 93 (2000), 461–70Google Scholar, ὄϱος in ancient Greek does not necessarily designate what we should call a ‘mountain’ today, but rather a prominent height, and the hill of Agios Tryphon is definitely prominent from the east (i.e. the Asopos valley).

⁷ I offer a lengthy discussion of the distances and the roads from Titane to Phlious and to Sikyon in the third chapter of Lolos, Land.

⁸ Martha, J., ‘Inscriptions du Péloponnèse’ BCH 3 (1879), 192–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; IG iv. 436. I date the inscription to the Roman period on the basis of the lettering and the abbreviated postscript.

⁹ The results of this survey are presented in Lolos, Land. I first surveyed the site of Titane in the summer and autumn of 1997 with the assistance of three students of topography, Dimitris Karakaxas, Vasilis Marras, and Kostas Botos, and then in the summer of 2002 with the assistance of two young archaeologists, Myrsine Gouma and Aristotelis Koskinas.

¹⁰ Ross 28; Curtius 501; Martha op. cit, 192; IG iv. 436; Meyer 1939, 14; Roux 158; Pharaklas, N., Sikyonia (Ancient Greek Cities 8; Athens, 1971Google Scholar), Epimetron II, 35–6; Jost, M., Cultes et sanctuaires d'Arcadie (Paris, 1985), 100Google Scholar. Graf 172–3, commenting on the annual ceremony of ἀναγωγή, goes so far as to suggest that Asklepios in Titane stood in opposition to the city-goddess Athena. For a contrasting view see Griffin, A., Sikyon (Oxford, 1982), 36–8Google Scholar.

¹¹ Herodian, , Καθολιχὴ Προσωδία iii. 1, ed. Lentz, A. (Leipzig, 1967), 383Google Scholar; Περι ῾Ορϑογραφίας iii. 2, ibid., 592; Eust. on Il. ii. 735 ed. M. A. Van der Valk (Leiden, 1971), i. 519.

¹² I offer an extended discussion of the use of this term by Pausanias in Lolos, Land, ch. 6.

¹³ Εν δὲ Τιτάνη χαὶ ῾Αϑηνᾶς ίερὸν έστιν, ὲς ô τὴν Κορωνίδα ὰνάγουσιν ... ὲχ τούτου τοῦ λόφου χαταβᾶσιν-ὼχοδόμηται γὰρ ὲπὶ λόφω τὸ ὶωρὸν-βωμός έστιν άνέμων (ii. 12. 1).

¹⁴ As of 2004, a new intensive survey of Titane has been begun by the Belgian Archaeological School, under the direction of Christiane Tytgat. We hope that this project, which includes detailed mapping and geophysical survey, will contribute to a better and fuller understanding of the monuments and topography of this important site.

¹⁵ Meyer, RE, s.v. ‘Titane’, col. 1490; Roux 160, for example, suggests that the sanctuary of Asklepios ‘doit être cherché soit hors des murs, sur l'une des terraces qui s'étagent au-dessus de l'Asopos, soit dans le perimètre de la ville’; Rangabé 409, places the Asklepieion on the site of Agios Tryphon; Curtius 503 tentatively places the Asklepieion on one of the lower terraces near the Asopos; Ross 28 vaguely places it on the platform to the west of the hill.

¹⁶ Meyer 1939, 14–15 was also unable to find traces of what he called ‘Verlauf der Stadtmauer’, but he accepts the description in Rangabé 407.

¹⁷ The bath was excavated in the Karmoyannis lot: A.Delt. 30 (1975) Chr., 59Google Scholar; cf. Papachatzis, pl. 104. p. 111. The site is marked today by a hollow in the ground and a stretch of thick rubble, brick and mortar wall.

¹⁸ The reported height of the triglyphs is 0.4 m, and the width of the metopes 0.33 m: Ross 27; Rangabé 407.

¹⁹ Meyer 1939, 14 could not find them either; it should be noted that the surface of this hill has been severely disturbed by the presence of the village cemetery. Only recently has the Archaeological Service ordered the removal of the cemetery from the hill.

²⁰ See Ross 28: ‘Cette colline c'est la petite acropole: le sanctuaire de Minerve a été remplacé par la chapelle de st. Tryphon, et les fragmens d'ordre dorique et des petites dimensions, que j'ai décrits plus haut, appartenaient à ce sanctuaire’. Curtius 502, Bursian, C. (Geographie von Griechenland (Leipzig, 1872), ii. 31Google Scholar) and Martha (n. 8, 193) accept the hill of Agios Tryphon as the site of the sanctuary of Athena, and the lower terrace to the north-east of it as the most plausible area for the location of the altar of the winds. See also Meyer, RE, s.v. ‘Titane’, col. 1490: ‘Letzteres [i.e. the λόφος] weist ziemlich sicher darauf hin, das es auf dem Tryphonhügel gestanden hat, dann kann man die oben erwähnten kleinen dorischen Gebälkstücke auf den Athenatempel beziehen’.

²¹ Meyer 1939, 15–16.

²² For a description of these habitation sites (HS) see the corresponding entries in Appendix I (Register of Sites), Lolos, Land.

²³ On the eastern and western Sikyonian boundaries see Strabo viii. 382, Livy xxxiii. 15. 1, Pausanias vii. 27. 12. Our ancient authority for Thyamia being at the border of Sikyon and Phlious is Xen., Hell. vii. 2. 20Google Scholar. See the lengthly treatment of the Sikyonian borders in Lolos, Land, ch. 1.

²⁴ I offer a full description of the fortifications of Sikyonia including those of Titane in Lolos, Land, ch. 4. The plan of the fort reproduced here is based on 146 measurements taken with a laser theodolite in December 1997.

²⁵ At Sounion, the sanctuary of Poseidon is included within the wall of one of the most important border forts of Attica. Closer to Sikyon, in the western part of the Stymphalian basin, the hill of Agios Konstantinos was surrounded by a polygonal fortification wall and topped by a Doric temple: see Pritchett, W. K., Studies in Ancient Greek Topography, vi (Amsterdam, 1989), 15Google Scholar.

²⁶ Vitruvius i. 2. 7: ‘saluberrimae regiones; aquarum fontes…ideonei’; On the location of Asklepieia, see Graf 168–70 and Cole, S. Guettel, ‘The use of water in Greek sanctuaries’, in Hägg, R., Marinatos, N., Nordquist, C. C. (eds), Early Greek Cult Practice. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens: 26–9 June 1986 (Göteborg, 1988), 163Google Scholar.

²⁷ A much more copious spring can be found some 1500 m to the north of Titane, by the neighbouring village of Liopesi (modern Gonoussa).

²⁸ The identity of Titan and his relation to the Titans is not clear: RE s.v. (1937) cols. 1484–5 [Wüst].

²⁹ As argued by Farnell, L. R., The Cults of the Greek State (Oxford, 1909), v. 415–17Google Scholar. A Priestess of the Winds is already found in Mycenaean Knossos: see Burkert, W., Greek Religion: Archaic and Classical, trans. Raffan, J. (Oxford, 1985), 175Google Scholar. Nilsson 444–5 notes that a prayer to an Olympian god for appeasing the winds is strikingly missing at Titane; cf. Papachatzis 114. On the cult of the winds as chthonic powers see: Stengel, P., ‘Die Opfer der Hellenen an die Winde’, Hermes, 16 (1881), 346–50Google Scholar; id., ‘Der Kult der Winde’, Hermes, 35 (1900), 627–35; Scullion, S., ‘Olympian and Chthonian’, Classical Antiquity, 13 (1994), 75–119, esp. 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar (referring to Titane).

³⁰ The fragments were recovered by Simpson, R. Hope in 1959: A Gazetteer and Atlas of Mycenaean Sites (London, 1965), 36Google Scholar; also Simpson, R. Hope and Dickinson, O. T. P. K., A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilization in the Bronze Age, i: The Mainland and Islands (Göteborg, 1979), 68Google Scholar.

³¹ Cases of foundation of Geometric/Archaic sanctuaries near or on top of prehistoric sites include the Argive Heraion (Prosymna), the Spartan Menelaion (Therapne), and the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas at Epidauros among numerous others: see C. M. Antonaccio, ‘Placing the past: the Bronze Age in the cultic topography of early Greece’ in Alcock, S. E. and Osborne, R. (eds), Placing the Gods; Sanctuaries and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece (Oxford, 1994), 79–104Google Scholar.

³² See, however, the objections of I. Malkin below (n. 41).

³³ In recent centuries and up until the Second World War, this path was used by the residents of the areas to the east of the Asopos in order to reach Titane and the plain of Kaisari. See the extended discussion of these roads in Lolos, Land.

³⁴ See Sakellariou, M. B., The Polis-State: Definition and Origin (Athens, 1989), 405Google Scholar, and Hansen, M. H. and Nielsen, T. H. (eds), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis (Oxford, 2004), 469Google Scholar. Prior to its existence as an independent city-state, Sikyon appears in the Iliad among the dependencies of Mycenae (2. 572); cf. Hesiod, Theog. 536. Traces of MH and particularly LH occupation have been found on the round hillock projecting to the south-east of the Sikyonian plateau and, most recently, on the coastal plain to the north-east; see Hope Simpson and Dickinson (n. 30), 69, and the discussion in Lolos, Land, ch. 5.

³⁵ On the archaic phase of the temple see Krystalli-Votsi, K., ῾Ανασχαφὴ Σιχυὼνος ᾿᾿, PAE 1984 (1988), 241–2Google Scholar; id., ‘Ανασχαφὴ Σιχυὼνος ᾿’, PAE 1987 (1991), 66–8. The pottery from the cemetery remains largely unpublished; see the relevant sections in Lolos, Land, chs. 5–6.

³⁶ The ongoing excavations on the coastal plain for the new railway connecting Athens to Kiato have most recently (April 2005) recovered pottery of the Geometric period (pers. comm. from the excavator Vassilis Papathanassiou).

³⁷ Meyer 1939, 15–16 reported mainly Hellenistic and Roman pottery from the site.

³⁸ See Edelstein, E. and Edelstein, L., Asclepius: A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies (Baltimore, 1945), ii. 98Google Scholar.

³⁹ Edelstein and Edelstein (n. 38), 87 n. 44; Nilsson 410; cf. Odelberg, P., Sacra Corinthia, Sicyonia, Phliasia (Uppsala, 1896), 101–2Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Nilsson 410–11.

⁴¹ de Polignac, F., Cults, Territory, and the Origins of the Greek State, trans. Lloyd, J., (Chicago, 1995Google Scholar); the thesis permeates all chapters of Polignac's study but is mainly addressed in his second chapter (32–88). Malkin, I. (‘Territorial domination and the Greek sanctuary’, in Hellström, P. and Alroth, B. (eds), Religion and Power in the Ancient Greek World, (Uppsala, 1996), 75–81Google Scholar) has seriously challenged his thesis on the grounds that many of his extra-urban sanctuaries were founded where they were for reasons other than delimiting the state's territory. If some of them eventually came to denote territorial sovereignty, they did so centuries after their foundation. A prime reason behind the choice of the setting for extra-urban sanctuaries was, according to Malkin, the original distribution of land during which certain deities acquired land in remote and dangerous places. This argument, however, does not answer the question of why sanctuaries were founded in remote, border areas. In mainland Greece, political boundaries between city-states were well in place by the Archaic period, and the establishment of sanctuaries nearby may have had a symbolic as much as a practical value in demarcating them. The fact that sanctuaries often appear in boundary disputes is quite suggestive (on which see Rousset, D., ‘Les frontières des cités grecques. Premières reflexions à partir du recueil des documents épigraphiques’, Cahiers de Centre G. Glotz, 5 (1994), 119–21Google Scholar). This can hardly be the case in colonies, which, as Malkin rightly points out, ‘had frontiers, not borders’. In other words, there can be no universal rules or principles explaining the location of extra-urban sanctuaries, but these should be sought only on a case-by-case basis.

⁴² Graf 170.