^{page 210 note 1} Most of these here published are from my own copies, but Mr. H. Box, student of the School, gave me valuable assistance in copying and making squeezes of the inscriptions found whilst he was present at Sparta.

^{page 210 note 2} These are being reserved for further study, and will, it is hoped, be published in the next volume (B.S.A. xxviii.).

^{page 211 note 1} The publication reference is repeated, with an asterisk after the number.

^{page 212 note 1} Θεοδώρου, Τ., νομοφύλαξ ἐπὶ Κλεοδάμου (B.S.A. xxvi, 1, B 2)Google Scholar must be the same man.

^{page 214 note 1} The system of numbering is continued from B.S.A. xxvi. pp. 160 ff.

^{page 215 note 1} For an instance of a man acting more than once as πρέσβυς Г'ερουσιας, see v. 1, 101.

^{page 216 note 1} The former is not rare elsewhere, e.g. Michel, , Recueil, 839, l. 101Google Scholar; Inschr. v. Magnesia, 93, l. 106.

^{page 217 note 1} Kolbe's reconstruction of the text is based partly on his mistaken restoration of the name of the Eponymos in v. 1, 59 as Hadrian, instead of Μενίσκος; cf. B.S.A. xxvi. p. 187.

^{page 217 note 2} Titus Flavius Charixenos, Eponymos in v. 1, 34, l. 6, and, probably, B.S.A. xxvi 1, E 12, and p. 198, is not to be confused with either of these, though closely contemporary with the earlier of the two.

^{page 217 note 3} Cf. Ti. Claudius Ennychus, at Rome (Dessau, I.L.S. 3008).

^{page 219 note 1} It is common at Athens under the Empire (I.G. iii. has over a dozen examples) and is found there at times earlier (I.G. ii., three examples). For adoption in general vide Pauly-Wissowa, and Dar.-Sagl. s.v.

^{page 220 note 1} Cf. op. cit. p. 175. The absence of praenomen and nomen from the name on that stone is not a serious argument against identity.

^{page 221 note 1} In view of the copy in v. 1, 446, Ὠφελίωνος in v. 1, 89 must be an error of the engraver, possibly for Ὠφελίων τὸ β`.

^{page 221 note 2} I may be wrong, after all, in postulating the existence of two bearers of the name Ἀγαθοκλη̑ς Στεφάνου in B.S.A. xxvi. p. 183, in reference to 1, B 2. In view of the new evidence perhaps the same man served twice—admittedly after a long interval—under Kleodamos and Aphthonetos, though his cursus only mentions the latter tenure (v. 1, 32 A).

^{page 222 note 1} He might have been related (brother?) to Ὀνησίων <,B.S.A. xxvi. p. 164, 1, A 3–5, col. iii. l. 7, in spite of the different vowel used for the third letter.

^{page 222 note 2} Γυναικονόμοι may be presumed to be elderly, but so may Βίδυοι have been sometimes.

^{page 222 note 3} Cf. B.S.A. xxvi. pp. 184, 180³.

^{page 222 note 4} More than one Ἀριστονεικίδας is known at this period. A man could, however, be Βίδυος more than once; cf. B.S.A. xxvi. p. 203⁴.

^{page 226 note 1} Pace Kolbe, , I.G. v. 1, p. 131, stemma Claudiorum.Google Scholar

^{page 226 note 2} The remains of the letter before the alpha are apparently from an upsilon with a rather long apex-stroke at the base of the hasta.

^{page 227 note 1} In Greece, O.G.I. 345, l. 15 (Delphi, first century B.C.); I.G. iii. 1016, l. 4; 1091, l. 51; 1250, l. 6. In Italy, as Phosphorus, C.I.L. vi. 24167 (= Dessau, I.L.S. 8484); xi. 5374 (= I.L.S. 3322), as Phosporus; vi. 8724 (= I.L.S. 7733), C. Jul. Posphorus; these three men are presumably of Greek extraction.

^{page 227 note 2} The earliest occasion seems to have been soon after the middle of the second century, B.S.A. xxvi. p. 191; the second may have been soon afterwards; cf. B.S.A. xiv. pp. 112 ff.; xxvi. pp. 175, 191 f.

^{page 227 note 3} Cf. I.G. iii. 129, l. 16. This seems more likely than the Βουθ(o)ύσια mentioned in the letter from the Tyrian residents of Puteoli, (I.G. xiv. 830Google Scholar = O.G.I. 595 = I.G.R. i. 421, l. 11).

^{page 227 note 4} Founded in A.D. 2; cf. I.G. iii. 129, l. 17, and I.G. vii. 49, l. 24; but in I.G. iii. 128, l. 12 f. we hear of a victory won Νέαν πόλιν—[Εὐ]σέ[β]εια. See also Strabo, v. p. 246; Suet., Aug. c. 98; Dio, lv. 10; I.G. xiv. 746, 747, 748; Inschr. von Olympia, 56. C.I.L. xii. 3232 refers to their celebration under Hadrian (cf. I.L.S. 5082, and note 4).

^{page 229 note 1} Cf. B.S.A. xxvi. p. 189.

^{page 229 note 2} Cf. B.S.A. xxvi. p. 189, and note 1. That the use of the phrase εὐτυχέστατοι καιροί is no proof of a date under M. Aurelius or later is shewn by I.G.R. iv. 1398, where it is applied to the reign of Hadrian, in an inscription from Smyrna, dated to A.D. 124.

^{page 229 note 3} iii. 11, 10; cf. Frazer, , Paus. iii. p. 329.Google Scholar

^{page 230 note 1} A father and a son with the names T. Flavius are recorded in it.

^{page 230 note 2} Weber, , Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus, pp. 188 f., 211.Google Scholar

^{page 230 note 3} In general, cf. the articles σιτῶναι and σιτωνία in Pauly-Wissowa (2 Reihe, v. Halbband, 1927), which only reached me when this article was practically completed.

^{page 230 note 4} The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire [Oxford, 1926], especially pp. 528 f., 590. For the price of bread in antiquity, in the light of epigraphical evidence from Ephesos, , cf. Forschungen in Ephesos, iii. p. 102 f.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 1} Pauly-Wissowa, , s.v. Frumentum, p. 145.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 2} Cf. the famine prices announced in Apocalypse, c. vi, χοι̑νιξ σίτου δηναρίου καὶ τρει̑ς χοίνικες κριθω̑ν δηναρίου (i.e. 48 den. per medimnos of corn).

^{page 231 note 3} Cf. also Forschungen in Ephesos, iii. p. 106, No. 16 (πρεσβ[ευτὴς] καὶ σειτο[πό]μπος ἀπ[ὸ τη̑ς Αἰ]γύπτου); and, for Tralles, , Ath. Mitt. viii. (1883), p. 32 f., 10Google Scholar; and other references in Rostovtzeff, , Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, p. 590.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 4} Cf. B.S.A. xiii. pp. 203 ff.; xxvi. p. 204.

^{page 231 note 5} See Oehler's articles γυμνασίαρχος and Gymnasium in Pauly-Wissowa vii. Ziebarth gives a few good examples in Aus dem Gr. Schulwesen, p. 65 f.

^{page 231 note 6} Josephus, , Vita, c. 13 (75)Google Scholar; cf. Rostovtzeff, loc. cit.

^{page 231 note 7} Cf. Hultsch, , Metrologie, p. 574 f.Google Scholar, and Tafeln, pp. 703 f. The ἀμφορεύς held 26·26 litres.

^{page 232 note 1} = Keil–Premerstein, Zweite Reise in Lydien, etc. [Denkschr. Wiener Akad. liv. (1911)], No. 69.

^{page 232 note 2} Cf. the numerous examples collected by Dittenberger, O.G.I. 479, notes on ll. 9–11, referring to δρακτοί (a small vessel for ladling oil out of larger containers), to which we must add I.G.R. iv. 860, l. 15 (Laodikeia), where we should alter ΔΙΑΚΤΟιΣ into δρακτοῖς.

^{page 232 note 3} Cf. I.G. v, 1, p. xi. ll. 54 ff. for the historical sources, and No. 236 for a dedication (apparently) by the tyrant.

^{page 232 note 4} Where it means a scythe-like attachment to a war-chariot.

^{page 232 note 5} Lentiarius means, however, a weaver, or sometimes a merchant, of linen. The Greek form with this application to the Gymnasium is not noted either by Daremberg-Saglio, s.v., or Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. linteum, ad fin.

^{page 233 note 1} There may have been lawsuits arising out of the administration, or disposal after his death, of the estates of G. Julius Eurykles, who died in about 136; cf. B.S.A. xxvi. p. 187, and note 3.

^{page 233 note 2} Cf. Pausanias, iii. 21, 7.

^{page 233 note 3} Professor P. Roussel, Director of the French School, kindly informs me that he has found an example of παραπωλεῖν in an inscription from Panamara (to be published in B.C.H. vol. li.); and in one copied by Gell at Didyma in 1812 (which I hope to publish shortly) we have - - δόσ<σ> εις τε ἀργυρικὰς καὶ σ[ι]τωνικὰς καὶ παραπράσεις ποι(ησα)μένου.

^{page 233 note 4} Should not this be [ἐν τοι̑ς ἐπ]είγουαι καιροι̑ς? But the article seems not to be essential.

^{page 235 note 1} Vita M. Antonini, c. 14; cf. O.G.I. 707, and note 3.

^{page 235 note 2} I am indebted to Professor H. Stuart Jones for this explanation, which seems beyond doubt. For another Greek rendering of adsessor cf. the participle συνκαθεσθείσ in a late metrical cursus from Lycia (C.I.G. 422^e = Dessau, I.L.S. 8844), and others quoted in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Adsessor, ad init.

^{page 235 note 3} I have not come across any similar expression. Professor Stuart Jones has kindly suggested that it may merely be equal to μὴ ὑπερχρονήσας ‘not having overstayed his allotted time’; but the use of λαβών seems to militate against this explanation, which is otherwise preferable.

^{page 235 note 4} Of Hiller v. Gaertringen and Wilhelm. This document, owing to its damaged condition, is hard to date, and the restoration in l. 3 f. [ἐπὶ Εὐ]ρυκλέους is to my mind doubtful; perhaps [πράκτωρ τω̑ν ἀπ᾿ Εὐ]ρυκλέους, as in B.S.A. xxvi, 1, B 9, and p. 187. The νεωτερισμοί must be the same as in our new inscription.

^{page 236 note 1} Vita, c. 4(17). Liddell and Scott do not cite this, or any other post-classical authority for the word.

^{page 236 note 2} Cf. Hertzberg, , Geschichte Griechenlands, ii. 363Google Scholar, who puts it in about the middle of the reign of Pius.

^{page 236 note 3} For ι = ει see Jannaris, , Hist. Gr. Grammar, § 34.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 1} Claudius Aristoteles, under whom he was Ephor, presumably late in life, seems definitely too early to have held office after Lampis II, with whom (as I suggest) the younger Νέων was a colleague in the Patronomate.

^{page 240 note 2} See Liddell and Scott s.v. The title is not rare in inscriptions of the Imperial age.

^{page 242 note 1} Judging by the position of the Υ in Νομοφύ[λακες], could the line above be incorrectly copied, with ΚΙΑ instead of Κλ (the remainder of the alpha appearing on the new portion)? Unfortunately I did not find an opportunity of checking the text of the original, which is buiit into a house at Magoula.

^{page 243 note 1} See B.S.A. xxvi. p. 201, 2 (β), for the restoration of the name of the Eponymos.

^{page 243 note 2} Damokles may have been slightly after 140.

^{page 243 note 3} V. 1, 467, Τ. Θλ. Χαρίξενος; 485, T.Kλ.Ἁρμόνεικος Πλειστοξένου; 498, T.Kλ. Πρατόλαος Βρασίδου; 536,Π. Μέμμ. Δαμάρης Σιδέκτα; 553 (restored),Π. Αἴλ. ⊿αμοκρατίδας Ἀλκανδρίδα ; Inschr. von Olympia, 487, Τι. Φλ. Πολύβιος ΙΙ., Μεσσήνιος καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιος. For ἀριστοπολιτεία in general, see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. No certain reference to it in an inscription has been found outside the Peloponnese. The ἀριστοπολει̑ται at Panticapaeum, , Inscr. O. S. Pont. Eux. ii. 29Google Scholar, are probably not to be regarded as a parallel (see Latyschev's note ad loc.; L. and S.² nevertheless follow Boeckh in so regarding the word).

^{page 244 note 1} P. 217.

^{page 246 note 1} Grégoire, H., Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques chrétiennes d'Asie Mineure, i. p. 19Google Scholar; Symmachus, ed. Seeck, introd. p. xcix. I am indebted to Professor A. Wilhelm and to Mr. Norman H. Baynes respectively for these references, and for other help in connection with the contents of this epigram.

^{page 246 note 2} See above, p. 209.

^{page 246 note 3} Dionys. Halic. uses it as an adjective with ἀρχή and ἀξουσία.

^{page 247 note 1} iii. 16, 1; cf. B.S.A. xii. p. 302.

^{page 247 note 2} The history of this word, especially in Imperial times, and its relation to ἀνδριάς and εἰκών would repay study.

^{page 247 note 3} See B.S.A. xxvi. p. 124 f.; and above, p. 176.

^{page 247 note 4} Op. cit. p. 140, Fig. 8.

^{page 248 note 1} For examples from Laconia of the grant of a priesthood to a citizen (and his descendants) as a reward for his generosity in repairing a temple or in other ways forwarding the welfare of a cult, cf. I.G. v. 1, 1114 (Geronthrai), 1144 (Gytheion); in v. 1, 233, two priests of the Dioscuri dedicate τὴν πεῖλαν (sc. πῖλον) to them.

^{page 248 note 2} Plutarch, De Frat. Amore, ad init.; and other references cited by Wace, S.M.C., p. 114 f.

^{page 249 note 1} v. 1, 609, 1296.

^{page 249 note 2} v. 1, 233, Πό. Μέμμιος Πρατόλα(ο)ς καὶ Οὐολουσσηνὴ Ὀλυμπίχα; 559, Σ. (Πομπήϊος) Εὔδαμος Ὀνασικράτους.

^{page 250 note 1} Cf. Tod, S.M.C., Introd. § 2.

^{page 250 note 2} Can this be an allusion to the πέντε δόλιχοι mentioned in the record of a victor at Geronthrai, v. 1, 1120?

^{page 250 note 3} The third letter is very doubtful, the fourth might be T or Ψ. Ὀλύμ[πια, vel sim.] can hardly be a possible restoration, but I have no likely suggestion to offer.

^{page 250 note 4} For a somewhat similar motive cf. the early Ionic capital in the Sparta Museum, S.M.C. 737 (and Fig. 75), which has, however, no tendrils.

^{page 250 note 5} Hist. Gr. Personennamen, p. 168.

^{page 250 note 6} Op. cit., p. 346.

^{page 250 note 7} Poralla, Prosop. der Lakedaimonier, Nos. 282, 283.

^{page 252 note 1} Cf. Bechtel, op. cit., p. 361.

^{page 252 note 2} Poralla, op. cit., Nos. 590, 591, 592.

^{page 252 note 3} Ἀρχ. Ἐφ. 1883, pp. 103 ff.; cf. also Pausanias' account of archaic ἁλτῆρες, v. 26, 3.

^{page 253 note 1} This was detected by the keen eyes of our foreman, G. Alexopoulos.

^{page 253 note 2} The name of an Achaean mentioned in Xen. Anab. v. 6, 14; for the root cf. Σαμύλος at Geronthrai, v. 1, 1133.

^{page 254 note 1} Particularly Θιλοξενίδας; cf. also Θεοξενίδας and Δυϊξενίδας.

^{page 254 note 2} Examples in early Attic inscriptions of undoubled λ and π are given by Meisterhans–Schwyzer, Gram, der Att. Inschr. ³, p. 93, s.v. ‘Gemination.’.