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Domizio Calderini and the Text of the Elder Pliny’s Natural History: Evidence from the ‘Lost’ Commentary on Silius Italicus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 May 2015

A.J. Dunston
Affiliation:
The University of Sydney

Extract

When the late fifteenth-century humanist Domizio Calderini began his project of lecturing and then compiling printed commentaries on such ‘difficult’ authors as Juvenal, Martial, Statius and Propertius, the elder Pliny’s Natural History, with its treasure trove of multifarious information, was one of his main sources. Indeed, the frequency with which the notes on Silius Italicus which are the subject of this paper draw on the Natural History was one of the factors supporting their attribution to Domizio Calderini. The notes stemming from Calderini’s lectures on Silius probably date from 1470-73. In his extant works, in the commentaries on Martial, Juvenal, Statius Silvae and Ovid Ibis, Calderini makes specific references back to his lectures on Silius sixteen times with such phrases as ‘in commentariis Silii recitavimus’ (ad Stat. Silv. 2.2.61) and ‘ut apud Silium exposuimus’ (ad Mart. 1.87.5).

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 1998

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References

1 Dunston, See J., ‘Studies in Domizio Calderini’, IMU 11 (1968)71150Google Scholar and Perosa, A., ‘Calderini, Domizio’, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 16 (1973) 597608.Google Scholar

2 Dunston (n.l) 102. On the attraction to the elder Pliny of the ‘new generation of humanists’ see also Grafton, Anthony, Joseph Scaliger. A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship 1. Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford 1983)1415.Google Scholar

3 Dunston (n.1) 74-106. In the commentary on Silius Italicus recitavimus occurs once, at 7.50Google Scholar (cf. 2.356 quae supra recitata sunt, 11.459,12.34).Google Scholar

4 Hain 13088. Other early printed editions Calderini used that we have so far positively identified are Livy (Rome 1469, Hain 10128), Justinus Trogus (Rome 1470-1, Hain 9646), Festus (Rome c.1471, Hain 7037), all editiones principes. Varro De lingua latina (Rome c. 1471-2Google Scholar, Hain *15852) is a strong possibility. It was natural for a scholar belonging to the Roman Studium to use editions from Roman presses.

5 On the humanist use of the word codex for ‘printed book’ see Rizzo, S., Il lessico filologico degli umanisti (Rome 1973)69Google Scholar ff., citing Calderini’s use of the phrase ‘codices inemendati’ (in his edition of the Silvae [Rome 1475Google Scholar, Hain 14983]) to refer to Stat. Silv. ed. princ. (Venice 1472Google Scholar, H* 4758) (cf. Dionisotti, C., IMU 11 [1968] 180 ff).Google Scholar

6 On the nature of the edition see Pozzi, G., Hermolai Barbari Castigationes Plinianae et in Pomponium Melam 1 (Padua 1973Google Scholar) Introduzione xcix n.l, P. Casciano, ‘U ms. Angelicano 1097, fase preparatoria per l’edizione del Plinio di Sweynheym e Pannartz (Hain 13088)’ in Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: aspetti e problemi (ed. Bianca, C.et al.) 1 (Città del Vaticano 1980) 383-94.Google Scholar It was reprinted in Venice in 1472 and revised for Sweynheym and Pannartz by Perotti (1473). Barbara's emendations were of the latter texts.

7 Castigationes Plinianae (Rome1492-3)Google Scholar Hain *2420. Henceforth cited from Pozzi (n.6). See Pozzi 1 Introduzione cxii ff. By February 1471 Merula had formulated 19 corrections; these were not published until 1474. On Pliny in the Renaissance see in general Nauert, C.G. Jr. in Kristeller, P.O. (ed.), Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries: annotated lists and guides 4 (Washington D.C 1980)297422.Google Scholar

8 On Barbara’s attitude to Calderini see Pozzi (n.6) 1 Introduzione cxv-vii, cxl, cxlviii: ‘Barbaro non riabilita Calderini, ma lo giudica degno di riconsiderazione …’. Pozzi and his team have traced most of Barbara’s citations of Calderini to the commentaries on Juvenal, Martial, Statius, Propertius and the extant Ex tertio libro observationum. The five references that they could not trace do not come from Sil. Comm. (as far as we can see). Book 1 of the (lost) Observationes contained explications of 300 places in Pliny (‘Epilogus et προς;πώΝηςΙς de observationibus’ [1475]).

9 See Bassett, E.L., Delz, J., and Dunston, J., ‘Silius Italicus’ in Kristeller, P.O. (ed.), Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries: annotated lists and guides 3 (Washington D.C. 1976) 341-98Google Scholar adding Inc. Prop. V 39. The four copies in the Vatican Library of the edition of the Punica with interlinear and marginal notes which originate from Calderini’s lectures are Stamp. Ross. 1122 (A), IncGoogle Scholar. 111.4 (B), Stamp. Ross. 1446 (C) and Inc. Prop. V 39 (E). This edition (Hain-Coppinger 14734) will henceforth be referred to as r2, followingDelz, J., Sili Italici Punica (Stuttgart 1987).Google Scholar

10 Dunston (n. 1)90 ff.

11 The anonymous referee suggested that this word stems from an interpretation as the abbreviation ‘ptéa’ of the letters ‘pta’ at the end of Sarepta.

12 In his note on Pun. 11.2 he offers an identification of Sarra as oppidum Palaetyri.

13 Pozzi (n.6) 2 (Padua 1974) 359.

14 Cald, . Mart. Comm. 4.55.2Google Scholar: Graium: Graius fluvius Hispaniae proximus Tyde a Tydeo Aetolo conditae qui cum Graecis illuc profectus est et nomen dedit fluvio ut Graius a Grais diceretur. sed postea depravato nomine dietus est Gravius. Silius: et quos nunc Gravius mutato nomine Graium/Oeneae misere domus …. Mart. Comm. = Calderini’s Commentary on Martial etc.

15 Pozzi (n.6) 1.312.

16 There is no comment of Calderini extant on this line.

17 A has ‘non’.

18 See Rizzo (n.5) 199-202: librarius may be used for ‘scribe’ or ‘printer’.

19 P. Marsus (author of the first printed commentary on the Punica [Venice 1483, 1492, 1493]) follows Calderini: Carteia in Baetica est. alio nomine dicitur Tartessus. One of the results of our study of Calderini’s commentary will be a demonstration of just how much Petrus Marsus owed to his teacher (Marsus was a student at the Studium Urbis in 1471), and consequently, how much of Calderini’s work was incorporated into the subsequent printed commentaries. (This evidence was not available to Dykmans, M., L’humanisme de Pierre Marso [Città del Vaticano 1988] 71-2Google Scholar when he considered the relationship of their work on Silius.)

20 Another example is the note at 7.162, where Calderini cites PlinyHN 14.95Google Scholar in the form of ed. Rom., including a reference to Anaxipolis added to the text by de’ Bussi (ms. Angelicano 1097 [f. 197 r]).

21 Pozzi (n.6) 2.578.

22 Mayhoff's emendations are in bold.

23 Dunston (n.1) 103.

24 Pozzi (n.6) 2.626, cf. 3 (Padua 1979) 1229.

25 Pozzi (n.6) 2.788-9.

26 In Plynium (Venice 1474) i 6r.Google Scholar

27 I. Sillig 8 vols. (Hamburg, and Gotha, 1851-8); Salmasii Plinianae exercitationes in Solyni polyhistora (Paris 1629) 46a.Google Scholar

28 And nowhere else in Latin: Spaltenstein, F., Commentaire des Punica de Silius Italicus (livres 1 à 8) 1 (Geneva 1986) ad Pun. 8.380.Google Scholar

29 Pozzi (n.6) 1.124-5; cf. 3.1221 f.

30 ‘in cursu’ Barbaro.

31 Pozzi (n.6) 2.589. Marsus, P. has ‘tolutim’ in his notead Pun. 3.335Google Scholar (1483 [Hain 14739]).

32 E.g. ‘ungulata’, ‘soriculata’ (both discussed by Barbaro, Pozzi [n.6] 2.593).

33 (n.1) 144 ff.

34 As humanists were not always accurate it is difficult to say whether the discrepancy between Calderini’s citation and the text of Plin. ed. Rom}—’ex auro fieret’/’fieret in auro’—means that Calderini was using another source here. See app. crit. of André, J. (Paris 1964)Google Scholarad loc.: ex auro DEpl : in auro dT

35 Pozzi (n.6) 2.781.

36 Sabellico’s annotations were not published until 1503. On their completion in 1488 he sent Barbaro a ms. copy. See Pozzi, (n.6) 1 Introduzione cxxiii n.2. Sabellico’sAnnotationes veteres et recentes ex Plinio, Livio et pluribus authoribus were published in a collection edited by Giovanni Bembo (Venice 1503)Google Scholar, together with other collected notes by Beroaldo, Calderini(Ex tertio libro observationum Domitii [first published 1476])Google Scholar and Poliziano. See Dionisotti, C., Gli umanisti e il volgare fra Quattro e Cinquecento (Florence 1968)20-1.Google Scholar

37 The hand of the notes in A frequently writes ND for NN.

38 Pozzi (n.6) 1.108.

39 Pozzi (n.6) 3.1137-8. Other places in Sil. Comm. where Calderini quotes Pliny in a corrupted form which Barbaro has later corrected are: 2.48 (HN 7.84)Google Scholar, 2.538 (HN 27.9), 4.227 (HN 3.63), 5.447 (HN 4.59), 10.261 (HN 18.10), 10.567 (HN 35.8), 11.278 (HN 35.56).

40 Pozzi (n.6) 3.904-5.

41 Halácsy, , Consp. florae Graecae 1.29Google Scholar cited at RE 8.165Google Scholar. At Theophrast. 9.10.3 is the information that the black grew everywhere.

42 A reason of which Barbaro approves, cf. Pozzi (n.6) 1 Introduzione lxv: ‘questo è il nodo del discorso filologico del Barbaro: il consenso degli autori come criterio supremo di emendazione’.

43 Recently edited by Ciapponi, L.A.(Filippo Beroaldo the Elder Annotationes Centum [Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 131] [Binghamton N.Y. 1995]).Google Scholar

44 He mentions neither, see Pozzi (n.6) 1 Introduzione cxxiv ff., adding the present case to cxxiv n.4.

45 Γς. r2 has’mybe’.

46 O. Jahn; ‘Opicos’ Barbaro, ‘hoppicos’ R, ‘hoppificos’ Er, ‘hoppocos’ Vd.

47 Strabo 5.4.3 has ΌπΙκυύς (‘Opicos’ in Guarino’s translation, which Calderini used).

48 The reading of E. Barbara’s ‘codices’ have not yet been identified (Pozzi [n.6] 1 Introduzione cxi); Pozzi et al. attribute ‘opicos’ here to Barbaro.

49 Pozzi (n.6) 3.977-8.

50 Pozzi (n.6) 3.1255. The same variant readings (Tiburtus, Tiburtius) aie found at Verg. Aen. 7.671, 11.519.

51 See Grafton (n.2) 35-6 on ‘the gulf that separated even Calderini from Poliziano’; Branca, V., ‘L’umanesimo Veneziano, Ermolao Barbaro e il suo circolo: la nuova filologia di Ermolao’ in Storia della cultura veneta 1 (Vicenza 1976) 146-55Google Scholar (with further bibliography). Calderini, Branca concedes, ‘alle volte riusciva a supplire l’asistematicità e una certa faciloneria con la genialità’ (147).

52 On Barbara’s treatment of proper names see Pozzi (n.6) 1 Introduzione c-cii.

53 Cf. Example 1 above: quod cum neque a Strabene ñeque a Plinio ñeque a Ptolomaeo aut ab alüs cosmographis scriptum inverno.

54 See Perosa (n.1) 602-3.

55 Kenney, E.J., The Classical Text: Aspects of Editing in the Age of the Printed Book (Berkeley 1974).Google Scholar

56 See Grafton (n.2) 14.

57 Pozzi (n.6) 1 Introduzione clii.